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THE POPULAR SCIENCE MONTHLY

prepare, for examination-day, answers the most of which will be forgotten a month afterward.

But we are asked, Is not science the investigation of truth, and does not this imply a love of truth, a disinterested love fruiting in abnegation and sacrifices? Oh, yes, a great scientific man has said that truth surrenders to the patience of students, to simplicity and devotion as well as to genius. But the search for truth is one thing, and truth already discovered and taught passively is another thing. In scientific instruction, as it is commonly given, only acquired results are presented to the pupils, without teaching at the cost of what efforts they have been gained—only truths that have been cooled off, lifeless truths and soulless formulas. For moral effect, we should give the history of science and of scientific men, intermixed with the exposition of the sciences; but we prefer to teach a hundred more theorems or formulas, which our pupils hasten to forget. Thus taught, separated from philosophy and history, science has neither moral virtue nor civil import. It degrades instead of elevating, makes machines and not men, still less citizens. A considerable part should, then, be given, in teaching of every grade, to letters, the arts, and the moral, social, and political sciences. On this point Mr. Spencer and M. Bluntschli agree in the assertion that there can be no liberty, no vote in democracies, without a good political education. The child can hardly grasp the idea of the state, and can only receive extremely vague and dull notions respecting the political constitution. He should be inspired with ideas of public morals, civic virtues, and patriotism, and rather by examples than by precepts. This political instruction should be continued in a higher and more practical but always unpartisan form for youth who are approaching the time when they will exercise the right of suffrage. It is as dangerous to thrust into political life young persons who are strangers to all political knowledge as it is to send soldiers into battle without having drilled them in military exercises. Defense against the assaults of internal barbarians is as essential in democracies as defense against foreign invasions. Examinations have, been instituted in Belgium for candidates for admission to participation in the right of suffrage, and the example might be a good one to follow.[1]

  1. The new electoral law of Belgium establishes, as the basis of the electorate, a standard of mental and moral capacity. A jury subjects the candidates to an "electoral" examination upon simple questions of morals, Belgian history, constitutional institutions, reading, writing, arithmetic, and geography. Before coming to this point, experiments were made upon the results of primary instruction. Cadets, who had been five or six years at school, were put to the test of an extremely simple examination. They were asked, for example, to tell the four large cities of the country, and the rivers on which they are situated. Thirty-five per cent made no answer, and forty-nine per cent only made a partial answer. To the question. By whom are the laws made? fifty per cent had nothing to say; twenty-eight per cent replied. They arc made by the king, or by the king and queen, or by the ministers, or by the Government, or by the Senate; and fifteen per cent answered with knowledge. When asked to name an illustrious