Page:Protestant Exiles from France Agnew vol 1.djvu/359

This page has been proofread, but needs to be validated.
henri de ruvigny, earl of galway..
341

stewards. Or money might have been offered and accepted as a donation to some charitable object. On either supposition Sidney took no bribe, and there was nothing for Russell to connive at. If France had possessed any damaging secret against our patriots, the secret would not have slumbered for many years.

So far I have spoken for Russell. But as for Ruvigny — in the first place, the list has been erroneously called Ruvigny’s. It professes to be Barillon’s list. And secondly, any moral charge may be safely denied on the ground of the continued affection and admiration of the Russells for Ruvigny as a man and a Christian. It is incomprehensible how Lord Macaulay could believe the accusations, and could conclude by extolling modern statesmen as having a more elevated standard than even Sidney and Russell, and as soaring above Ralph Montague’s creed, that “in this world nobody does anything for nothing.”

Young Ruvigny was also employed in some of the other negotiations, which ended in 1678 in the Treaty of Nimeguen, between France and Holland, under the nominal mediation of England. France, however, dictated the peace, and so irritated Charles that he seemed for a short time determined to go to war. Young Ruvigny,[1] at his request, asked Louis to state positively what his ultimatum was; but the French king, having satisfied Holland, paid little attention to Charles. Henri came back without any definite answer. Charles had to yield with as good a grace as possible. Bishop Burnet shall tell the finale:[2] — “A general peace quickly followed. And there was no more occasion for our troops beyond sea. The French were so apprehensive of them, that Ruvigny (now Earl of Galway) was sent over to negotiate matters. That which France insisted most on was the disbanding of the army. And the force of money was so strong, that he had orders to offer six millions of their money in case the army should be disbanded in August. Ruvigny had such an ill opinion of the designs of our court if the army were kept up, that he insisted on fixing the day for disbanding it, at which the Duke of York was very uneasy. And matters were so managed that the army was not disbanded by the day prefixed for it. So the King of France saved his money. And for this piece of good management Ruvigny was much commended.”

Early in the year 1679 Henri was appointed Lord Deputy-General of the Reformed Churches of France. Louis XIV. having abolished national synods, there was no organized court to dispute his elective fiat. Local church courts, each under the eye of a Protestant royal commissioner, still sat. The provincial synod of the Isle of France met at Charenton in April 1679. A vote of thanks to the retiring Deputy-General and a complimentary address to his successor were agreed upon. The substance of these is probably preserved in the letters which pastor Du Bosc had sent on the preceding February to the two lords. To the son he wrote in full appreciation of his talents and good qualities, and as one who would walk in the steps of his able father — concluding in the name of the Protestants with strong professions of loyalty and affection for the king, and assurances of their prayers that the new Deputy-General might continue and grow in the grand monarch’s favour. He concluded —

“We should be treacherous to ourselves were we in our prayers to forget you. If God hears those prayers, you will rejoice and we shall live in peace; you will enjoy the king’s favour and we the repose and liberty which his edicts give us. Our welfare is united to your person. We are, &c.”

To the old marquis he wrote —

“Sir, — We praise God to see your charge in the hands of your son, and yet not out of yours. That fortunate appointment cannot fail to give us great happiness, since instead of one Deputy-General we now have two. And that which, above all, delights us is, that he who seconds you is your other self, and that we see you wholly reproduced in him. His lordship is doubly your son, both by birth and also by his good qualities, which are the native image of your own virtues. That wisdom so consummately matured in yourself, sir, already manifests itself in him; the world recognizes him as possessing that very qualification; and no one doubts that he will perfectly represent you in the office which the king has just given him. His majesty could confer on us no greater obligation than in making a selection which we ourselves would have made had the matter depended on us. We shall hope at the hands of the son for what we were expecting from his father. And if we become better people, we shall not obstruct the success of his negotiations, as hitherto by our sins we have obstructed yours. We shall always have the same fidelity and obedience towards the king; and if we have more love to God we may see our affairs taking a better turn. At all events, sir, we shall always be
  1. [Temple’s] “Memoirs of what passed in Christendom from the war begun in 1672 to the peace concluded 1679.” (Lond. 1692), page 321.
  2. “Burnet’s Own Time,” vol. i., page 423.