that a loose and careless conversation, reaching Mr. Jefferson through circuitous channels, may have been entirely misunderstood > A familiar, a pleasant conversation, between Mr. Bayard and his friend General Smith, on the political prospects of the latter gentleman, (then as bright as those of any man in the country) repeated by him carelessly, or probably in jest, may have for a short time made an impression on the minds of Mr. Livingston and Wilson Cary Nicholas, which these gentlemen, or one of them, assuredly conveyed to Mr. Jefferson. Sir, a very few days probably cleared up the mystery, and put all matters right, and therefore it was immediately forgotten by the parties concerned. This explanation is to my mind entirely satisfactory. I do not make these remaks because I suppose any vindication of the reputation of Mr. Jefferson to be necessary. That rests on a foundation that cannot be shaken. The time was, sir, when a large portion of the people were taught to believe that Mr. Jefferson was destitute of every principle, political, moral, and religious: while, by bis political friends, no man was ever so much admired, respected, and beloved, he was feared, and hated, slandered, and reviled, by his enemies. In one respect, how. ever, he was certainly the most fortunate of men. Not having out-lived the gratitude and affection of his friends, he lived down the hostility of his enemies. Time and opportunity convinced all parties, that, in that great and good man were found, in happy combination, all those extraordinary endowments, and rare virtues, which made him an honor to the age in which he lived. Sir, he descended to the tomb, not only "full of years and full of honors," but occupying, at the moment when he closed his mortal career, the very first place in the hearts of millions of freemen.
Mr. CLAYTON said that he had already announced his intention in regard to this matter to have been entirely exculpatory; but he was willing to avail himself of another opportunity of making the same declaration, to prevent any misapprehension. On Thursday, while this resolution was under consideration, and before the Senator from Missouri [Mr. Bbxtos] had commenced his reply to the Senator from Massachusetts, he desired pel-mission to put a question to the gentlemen from Maryland and Louisiana, for the purpose of correcting an error in a volume cited in the debate, which, on account of the extraordinary imputation it cast upon the memory of one now in his grave, who held a distinguished rank among the statesmen of this country, had become the subject of general conversation here, and to which liis attention had been repeatedly called by other gentlemen. He at that time saw the gentlemen from Maryland and Louisiana in their seats; and as so favorable an opportunity then offered of removing the effects of an error, which, without their evidence, could never be so satisfactorily corrected, he chose to avail himself of it. My object [said Mr. C] was fully obtained. The Senator from South Carolina [Mr. H.] did not understand me as saying aught against Mr. Jefferson; but the Senator from Missouri chose to work himself up into a most patriotic excitement, denouncing the proceeding as an attack upon Mr. Jefferson. It is true, as he has stated, that I did not consult him in regard to the proceeding. I chose to follow my own course: I would pursue the same course again, and it is now to me a matter of no very great importance whether he approves it or not. As to the charge of an attack upon Mr. Jefferson, as the Senator sat at some distance from me, he may have misapprehended my observation; and whether he did or not, it is not my purpose now to inquire, but protest against all his inferences on the subject, if drawn from my remarks, as unfounded and gratuitous. Every honorable man will appreciate my motives. I think that the gentleman might have put a charitable construction upon the error into which Mr. Jefferson had fallen. I entertain as high an opinion of the reputation of tuat great statesman as others who make much greater professions, and would not pluck a flower from the chaplet of his fame. But at every hazard—let the consequences fall where they may—I will repel every imputation, like that contained in the memoir, upon the memory of Mr. Bayard, who, at the very period referred to, held the vote of my native State in his hand, and whose honor in that transaction cannot be touched without a reflection upon the State herself. Her maxim will ever be, whether she speaks here by me as her Representative, or by any other—' " To thine own telf be true; " Anil ii must follow, u the night the day " Thou eam't not then be faiie to any man." And now, having repudiated the inference drawn from this occurrence by the Senator from Missouri, let this subject henceforth and forever sleep with the illustrious dead who have formed the topic of this desultory discussion.
THE RESOLUTION OF Mr. FOOT.
Mr. BENTON then rose, and proceeded to address the Senate about an hour, in continuation of his remarks on Mr. FOOT'S resolution.
Tuesday, February 2, 1830,
Mr. BENTON again rose, and spoke more than two hours, in conclusion of his speech, commenced on a former day.
Mr. SPRAGUE next rose to address the Senate on the subject, and had proceeded near half an hour, when he gave way for a motion to adjourn.
[The following speech of Mr. BENTON was commenced January 20th, and continued for some time, when Mr. Webster having come in, Mr. Bextox gave way to Mr. Hatke, by whom and Mr. W. the floor was occupied four days. It was not till the discussion between them was over, that Mr. Be*tox proceeded with his speech, in doing which he replied to many things said by Mr. W. in Ins debate with Mr. Hatne. In reporting Mr. B's speech, it was deemed best to keep it united, and it is here given entire, as it was delivered from day to day.] Mr. BENTON said be could not permit the Senate to adjourn, and the assembled audience of yesterday to separate, without seeing an issue joined on the unexpected declaration then made by the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Webster]—-the declaration that the Northeast section of the Union had, at all times, and under all circumstances, been the uniform friend of the West, the South inimical to it, and that there were no grounds for asserting the contrary. Taken by surprise, as I was, [said Mr. Bestos] by a declaration so little expected, and so much in conflict with what I had considered established history, I Jc-It it to be due to all concerned to meet the declaration upon the instant—to enter my earnest dissent to it, and to support my denial by a rapid review of some great historical epochs. This I did upon the instant, without a moment's preparation, or previous thought; but 1 checked myself in an effusion,* in which feeling was at least as predominant as judgment, with the reflection that issues of fact, between Senators, were not to be decided by bandying contradictions across this floor; that it was due to the dignity of the occasion to proceed more teinperatelv, and with proof in hand for every thing that I should urge, 'ithen sat down with the view of recommencing coolly and regularly as soon as I could refresh my memory with dates and references. The warmth of the moment prevented me from observing what was most obvious—namely, that the resolution under discussion was itself the most pregnant illustration of my side of the issue. It is a resolution of direst import to the new States in the West, involving in its four foldaspect, the stoppage of emigration to that region, the limitation of its settlement, the suspension of
Tue "ulMtanc' uf Urn effuiion beins; Incorporated with thoiuecch began the neat day, it luu not been published.
