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Feb. 5, 8, 1830.]
Mr. Foot's Resolution.

to them, than he did; but he had seen letters from several Indian agents, recommending the measure now under discussion, though the gentleman from Missouri might have received information of a contrary nature; and from these and other information which had been before the Committee, he was perfectly satisfied with its expediency.

Mr. BENTON observed that it was, perhaps, unnecessary for him to say any thing on the subject, after the explanation that had been given by the chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs, (Mr. White.] Mr. B. said that there was no doubt but agents would be opposed to the present arrangement; that they were opposed to living among the Indian tribes, and this was one of the greatest causes of jealousy and hatred. One band of the Osages separated from their nation on the last day of receiving their donation, charging the agent with partiality. Evils of a similar character were constantly occurring; besides, one tribe, in passing to and from the agency, comes in collision with another tribe, and thus irritations and quarrels were continued. He, Mr. B., knew of no plan by which these evils woidd be more effectually prevented than by ihe operation of the proposed measure. He observed that the bill does not authorize the President to divide the Indian tribes, but merely, when a divi sion already exists, to appoint a separate agent. He thought that a division of salary corresponding with the division of labor would ha vc a salutary tendency, both with regard to the Indians themselves, and the agents appointed to regulate their concerns.

The bill was then ordered to be engrossed, and read a third time—yeas 30, nays 9.


The Senate resumed the consideration of the motion of Mr. FOOT.

Mr. ROWAN rose and addressed the Senate about two hours, when he gave way for a motion for adjourmcut.

Friday, Feduuaiit 5, 1830. The Senate were this day principally occupied in discussing the bill to incroasejthe compensation ofecrtain Judges. Adjourned to Monday.

Monday, February 8, 1830.

The Senate again resumed the consideration of


Mr. ROWAN addressed the Senate about an hour and a half, in continuation and conclusion of the remarks which he commenced on Thursday last.

The entire speech follows:

Mr. R. said tliat, in the share which he proposed to take in the debate, he shoidrt enter into no sectional comparisons. He should not attempt to detract from the just claims of any one of the States, nor would he disparage his own by any attempt to eulogize it. A State should be alike uninfluenced by eulogy and detraction. In his opinion, she could not be justly the subject of eitiier. There existed, necessarily, among the States of the Union, very great diversities. It would be strange if there did not. The habits, manners, customs, and pursuits of people would be different, as they should be found to be differently situated, inreferencetoclimate, soil, and various other causes, which exerted a powerful influence over their condition: for he held that we were more influenced by pride, than reason or philosophy, when we asserted that it was competent to any people to shape their condition according to their will. We were all more or less affected by the force of circumstances; and while we seemed to be under the direction of our will, were under the influence of the causes which, though they were imperceptible, were unceasing in their operation upon our inclinations. The fluids which sustain the life of man [said Mr. R.] arc not less of atmospheric or solar concoction, than those which sustain life in other Voi. VI.—17 animals, and even in vegetables. Can any man say, upon any other hypothesis, why the tropical fruits do not grow in the New England States; why certain animal and vegetable growths are peculiar to certain climates, and found in no other; and why the stature and complexion of man is different in different climates; and why there is a corresponding difference in his temper and appetencies? Now, would it not be as reasonable for men to taunt each other with these differences, which are obviously the effect of physical causes, as to indulge in the jeers and taunts which have characterized this debate? I would not ascribe to physical causes all the differences which are found to exist in the political, moral, and religious sentiments of people situated in different climates; but I would not deny to the heavens their legitimate influence upon people differently situated in reference to that influence. I suppose that an infinity of causes combine to diversify the human condition. The pursuits of a people possessing commercial facilities, will be very different from those of a people remote from the ocean, or any navigable stream. Their manners will take their hue from their pursuits; nor will their sentiments escape a tincture from the same cause. The truth is, that, with every people, their first and great object is their own happiness. To that object all their thoughts and all their exertions are directed. For those who inhabit a fertile country and a temperate or warm climate, nature has more than half accomplished this great object. The manners, habits, and notions, (to use a phrase of our Eastern brethren) of such a people will be very different from those of a people who have to win, by strenuous and unintermitted industry, a meagre subsistence from a sterile soil, in a rigorous climate. We all know that the soil of a southern is more prolific than that of a northern climate; that in the first the people are almost literally fed by the bounty of nature; while in the latter, a subsistence has to be conquered from her parsimony, by the most unceasing toil. The climate of the North imposes upon those who inhabit it the duty of obtaining, by much labor, a competent subsistence. It invigorates, by its rigors, the power of the muscular exertion, which it requires. That of the South inflicts languor, and with it an aversion from that labor which its prolific influence has rendered almost unnecessary. Frugality and economy, as the consequence of their necessary industry, characterize the Northern people: Those of the South are almost as profuse as their soil is prolific. In a Northern climate the labor of all is necessary to their sustenance and comfort. In the Southern the labor of a few will sustain all comfortably; and hence the labor of the South has fallen to the lot of slave.". Yes, sir, that slavery which the gentleman from Boston [Mr. Webster] has, in a spirit of implied rebuke, ascribed to Kentucky, in the contrasted view which he took of that State and the State of Ohio, has, if it be an evil, been thrown upon Kentucky by the destinies. That Kentucky has been somewhat retarded in its advances by the perplexity of its land titles, and its toleration of slavery, is, in liis estimation, the misfortune, of that State; and the exemption of Ohio from those evils has accelerated her march to the high destiny which awaits her. That she may be prosperous, great, and happy, is, I am sure, .the wish of the people of Kentucky. They do not repine at their own condition, nor envy that of Ohio. The two States arc neighbors, and have much intercourse, social and commercial. Nothing that can be said in relation to either of the States, by that or any other gentleman on this floor, can in the least affect ttic subsisting relations between them, or the internal police of either. The Senators from Ohio may have been gratified with the eulogy which he bestowed upon their State. Those of Kentucky were not in the least chagrined by his animadversions upon the condition of their State. They make no complaint that they were not assisted by the East in their wars with