sary, by the physical power of their subjects, who, as in the former case, are mere men. Thus it occurs, that in all cases, the preservation of human Rights, must be entrusted to the hands of human power. But until this guardian becomes his own ward, power and right will not be confounded, any more than the obligation with its sanction, or either with the physical force, that may possibly become necessary to apply the one or to enforce the other.
If a State as a moral being mat contract an obligation, as an accountable being it is obliged to keep its faith, and to observe the promise it has given. Should it refuse to do so, it incurs the guilt of violated faith, and renders itself amenable to the punishment of such guilt, which may then be rightfully inflicted upon it.
By whom, or when, or how, I will hereafter enquire. Whether this sanction prove efficacious or not as a sanction, cannot alter either the guilt or the right. The unknown or fugitive malefactor, who so escapes "unwhipt of Justice," cannot thus convert his crime into what this author would perhaps call moral guilt: nor must the powerful subject, who successfully resists the lawful commands of his Sovereign, and so prevents their execution, flatter himself with the hope, that he is but a moral traitor. The name of the State which violates its faith becomes the by-word of the civilized world. The decree delenda est Carthago will be uttered by that world; and while nations are but the Vice-agents of Him, who delights in Justice, this decree must be executed,—not perhaps in the first, nor yet in the second Punic War, but Carthage must fall, and fall by human means too, for Carthage was faithless.
With this solemn truth deeply impressed upon my heart, and with this awful example full in my recollection, I will proceed briefly to enquire, whether the Sovereign States who compose this Union, have pledged their faith in regard to it, by the Federal Constitution: to whom that pledge was given: what was the object and extent of the pledge: by whom and how it may be violated: and what are the legitimate effects of such a violation. I will not argue the first question. It would be an insult to every American, to suppose that he ever had doubted, or could now doubt, upon this subject. We all admit, that the States, by their several ratifications of the Constitution of the United States,
