that system — except from the stems which are reckoned to the causative or cur-class, and which follow in all respects the rules for that class — are of the utmost rarity.
a. In RV. occurs no form not belonging to the present-system, except ūnayīs (with mā́ prohibitive), an iṣ-aorist 2d sing. (cf. 1048). Further examples of this aorist are āsūyīt (ÇB.), pāpayiṣṭa (TS.: pl., with mā́ prohibitive), and avṛṣāyiṣata (VS. etc.). The form ásaparyāit (AV. xiv. 2. 20), with āi for ī (555 c), might be aorist; but, as the metre shows, is probably a corrupt reading; amanasyāit, certainly imperfect, appears to occur in TB. (ii. 3. 83). Other forms begin to appear in the Brāhmaṇas: e. g. the futures gopāyiṣyati (ÇB.), meghāyiṣyánt, kaṇḍūyiṣyánt, çīkāyiṣyánt (TS.), the participles bhiṣajyitá (? JB. -jita) and iyasitá (ÇB.), kaṇḍūyitá, çīkitá, and meghitá (TS.), the gerund saṁçlákṣṇya (ÇB.), and so on. In the later language, also, forms outside the present-system (except the participle in ta) are only sporadic; and of tertiary conjugation forms there are hardly any: examples are the causatives dhūmāyaya and asūyaya (MBh.), and the desiderative abhiṣiṣenayiṣa (Çiç.).
b. Noun-derivatives from denominative stems follow the analogy of those from causative stems (1051 g). In the older language, those in u and ā (especially the former) are much the most numerous; later, that in ana prevails over all others.
CHAPTER XV.
PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION.
1069. One periphrastic formation, the periphrastic future, has been already described (942 ff.), since it has become in the later language a recognized part of every verbal conjugation, and since, though still remaining essentially periphrastic, it has been so fused in its parts and altered in construction as to assume in considerable measure the semblance of an integral tense-formation.
By far the most important other formation of the class is —
