ed, and his very blood pronounced to be corrupted^ and the severity of the punishment entailed on his pos- terity. To whom may we apply for the verity of this? The jurisprudence and history of that nation, prove, that when they speak of rebels, nothing but blood will satisfy them. Is there nothing hideous in this part of the por- trait? — It is unparalleled in the annals of mankind. Though I have respect for individuals of that nation, my duty constrains me to speak thus. When we contemplate this mode of warfare, and the sentiments of the writers on natural law on this subject, we are justified in say- ing, that in this revolution war, we had a right to con- sider British debts as subject to confiscation — and to seize the property of those who originated that war. As to the injuries done to agriculture, they appear in a diminutive view, when compared to the injuries and indignities offered to persons, and mansions of abode. Sir, from your seat, you might have seen instances of the most grievous hostility, not only private property wantonly pillaged, but men, women, and children, dragged publicly from their habitations, and indiscrimi- nately devoted to destruction. The rights of humanity were sacrificed. We were then deprived not only of the benefits of municipal, but natural law. If there shall grow out of these considerations a palpable dis- abihty to pay those debts, I ask, if the claim be just? For that disability was produced by those excesses — by those very men who come on us now for payment. Here give me leave to say, that they sold us a bad title in whatever they sold us— in real as well as in personal property. Describe the nature of a debt: it is an en- gagement or promise to pay — but it must be for a valuable consideration. If this be clear, was not the title to whatever property they sold us, bad in every sense
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