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themselves, that it was and should be money, if after- wards, in the course of human events, when tempta- tions present themselves, they shall declare that it is not money? Sir, the honest planter is unskilled in poli- tical tricks and deceptions. His interest ought never to be sacrificed. The law is his guide. The law com- pelled him to receive it, and his countrymen would have branded him with the name of enemy, if he had re- fused it. The laws of the country are as sacred as the imaginary sanctity of British debts. Sir, national en- gagements ought to be held sacred; the public violation of this solemn engagement will destroy all confidence in the government. If you depart from the national compact one iota, you give a dangerous precedent, which may imperceptibly and gradually introduce the most destructive encroachment on human rights.^^
He then proceeds to notice more directly the objec- tion that we were not a people competent for legislation, till the assent of the British king was given to our inde- pendence: " I will beg leave here to dissent from the position of the gentleman on the other side, which de- nied that we were a people, till our enemies were pleased to say we were so. That we were a people, and had a right to do every thing which a great and a royal — nay an imperial people could do, is clear and indisputable. Though under the humble appearance of republi- canism, our government and national existence, when examined, are as solid a^ a rock — not resting on the mere fraud and oppression of rulers, nor the credulity, nor barbarous ignorance of the people; but founded on the consent and conviction of enlightened human na- ture. That we had every right, that completely inde- pendent nations can have, will be satisfactorily proved to your honours, by again referring to Vattel."" He
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