consider it. Although it is true we did not succeed in realizing it in full, There we decided to create an International Committee of Transport Workers for the struggle against war and Fascism, to organize an anti-Fascist fund, port bureaus, control committees, etc., but all that was frustrated by the sabotage of the reformists. The idea of the United Front has been spread among the masses and there are no workers among the reformist organizations who would be opposed to the United Front.
The tactics of the United Front already have given tangible results in almost all countries. As long as the United Front is being created, it is being created for struggle and, at the head of the struggle, stand the more active elements—the followers of the Profintern and Comintern.
The struggle has its logic, and the working masses, when they join in it, cannot stop at a certain place as the reformists want them to. The reformists are trying to break up the movement for the United Front, but every such attempt makes them weaker and makes the revolutionary movement stronger. We succeeded in penetrating the hostile organizations and creating basic points within them for the Profintern and Comintern. It is natural that all tactics which lead to the strengthening of our organization is without doubt correct and virile.
The Profintern and the Russian Revolution
The last question on which we have to dwell in order to finish the characterization of the revolutionary trade union movement, is the attitude towards revolution in general and to the Russian revolution in particular. We gave above an explanation of the stand of the Amsterdam International on that question, and I doubt that it is necessary to review it further.
Our organization, which also embraces millions of non-Communist workers, is, of course, not such a clear-cut organization as the Communist Party. The Communist Party has its definite ideological and programmatic boundaries. We, thanks to the structure of our minorities, do not even know the exact number of our membership in various counties. In the R. I. L. U. are many non-partisans, sympathizers, etc.
It is plain that the tactics of an organization which is composed of different elements cannot be as clear cut as the tactics of organizations which are purely Communist. It is conducting Communist work, but in peculiar, non-partisan surroundings. Our International, although it is non-partisan in character, has for its aims the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. This is stated in our constitution and in the main resolutions of our Congresses. There can be no doubt on that. From this our attitude toward the Russian revolution is clear.
