tyranny. In 1825 an Executive Council was appointed. These were, of course, nominees of the Government; but they divided the responsibility with the Governor, and were a check upon the exercise of his individual powers. The next step, in 1834, was to a Legislative Council. These were to be the lawmakers, but all of them were elected by the Governor. Six of the Council were the Governor's executive ministers, and the other six,—for the Council consisted of twelve,—were unofficial nominees.
But the existence of such a Council—a little Parliament elected by the Crown—created a desire for a popular Parliament and the people of the Colony petitioned for a representative House of Assembly. Then there was much hesitation, one Secretary of State after another and one Governor after another, struggling to produce a measure which should be both popular and satisfactory. For the element of colour,—the question as to white men and black men, which has been inoperative in Canada, in the Australias, and even in New Zealand,—was as early as in those days felt to create a peculiar difficulty in South Africa. But at length the question was decided in favour of the black man and a low franchise. Sir Harry Smith the then Governor expressed an opinion that "by showing to all classes that no man's station was in this free country,"—meaning South Africa,—"determined by the accident of his colour, all ranks of men might be stimulated to improve and maintain their relative position." The principle enunciated is broad and seems, at the first hearing of it, to be excellent; but it would appear on examination to be almost as correct
