action of your legislature be not allayed by a contrary vote of the people, and if the intention (at present gaining ground among the Germans) to leave the Republican ranks en masse and to vote for independent candidates be carried out, the Republicans may lose three or four Western States in 1860, when the change of one may decide the result of the Presidential campaign. And then the State of Massachusetts, that bulwark of anti-slavery principles, would be responsible for the defeat of the anti-slavery cause, and that, too, at a time when, without this, success would have been almost certain.
Perhaps it would do the party good to learn that in order to be victorious it must first be consistent and true, and that without deserving success it will never have any. Valuable as this experience may be, yet it may be bought at too high a price.
I assure you, sir, that the drifting and scheming policy, which was one of the characteristics of the old parties, will never do for us. We can never conquer unless the convictions and enthusiasm of the masses are on our side. We cannot be ruled by the arts of secret diplomacy. Every attempt to buy over former opponents by concessions of principle will result in the loss of a large number of true and devoted friends. Expediency will always be for us a dangerous stumbling-block. We must command the esteem and confidence of the people in order to command their votes.
I repeat, sir, [the members of] the legislature of Massachusetts have taken a grave responsibility upon themselves. I wish the people would understand that the question to be decided by their vote on the amendments of the constitution is not, whether there shall be a little more or a little less illegal voting in Massachusetts, but whether the Republicans shall have the German vote and all the Western States in 1860 or not.
