reformers, so-called, and the Germans who joined it en masse. They both had in view something more than the defeat of General Grant. Then the movement expanded and was joined first by the revenue reformers in the East and finally by a considerable number of men with whom opposition to the Administration was the main impulse, among the latter a good many politicians in the traditional acceptation of the term.
These elements met at Cincinnati for coöperation. The only claim this irregularly constituted Convention had on popular sympathy and support consisted in its rising above the moral level of existing political organizations. Mutual concessions were required to hold together the somewhat heterogeneous multitude. The revenue reformers gave up the distinctive demand which formed part of the original platform of the movement. They did it, not without reluctance, but yielded for the sake of harmony. I, myself, advised a conciliatory course and it was adopted. This would have been well, had the nomination for the first place on the ticket been in harmony with the spirit of mutual concession. I need not say to you, that it can scarcely be considered so. But even this might have appeared in a better light, had not something worse happened, which tainted the moral character of the proceedings. You know the history of the Convention.
On Friday morning the Cincinnati Commercial informed the public that Frank Blair and Gratz Brown had arrived the night before and effected an arrangement between your and Brown's friends, by which Brown should withdraw as a candidate for the Presidency in your favor and then take the second place. I did not at first believe the story. But in the Convention the piece was enacted in literal accordance with the program announced; trade and delivery appeared in the open light of day. I am very far from suspecting you of having been a party
