is their right to organize," "The awakening of the public conscience and the suppression of individual rapacity." There seemed also to have been an allusion to the reluctance with which the speaker had felt himself impelled to raise this protest against the course of one who had long been his close friend. According to the report, the delivery of the speech had been "impassioned," and the audience had responded with "tremendous applause,"—especially when Stewart had pledged himself to contribute, by speaking, writing, and raising money, all that was in his power to the maintenance of the principles for which the workingmen stood.
Consultations which Floyd held that morning with Gregg and with other officials of the company confirmed him in the opinion that the first attempt on the part of any of the men to return to work would provoke an outbreak. Gregg reported that the constabulary of New Rome were in the hands of the union leaders, and that it would be difficult to supply adequate police protection for those who might indicate a desire to accept the company's terms. The sheriff of the county could not be called on for aid until the local resources had been proved inadequate. "We have information," said Gregg, "that Tustin and others of the leaders, for all they profess to deprecate violence, are passing round the word that the first men who weaken are to be run out of town. Every trolley car that comes in from Avalon is watched and anybody who gets off and can't or won't give an account of himself is sent back across the river. The railroad station is patrolled by a guard. I don't believe that Tustin really thinks we mean to run in an army of non-union men, but by using such tactics he keeps alive a feeling of suspicion and animosity against us—and probably he's got the men to think that the only reason strike-breakers haven't been brought in is that all this picketing and patrolling has made them afraid to come."
"That's all right," Floyd said. "They'll soon weary
