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JOHN ADAMS 91 odor, and, though often imposed as a term of reproach, not yet voluntarily assumed except by a few more ultra partisans. Hamilton was the leader of the federal party, as the sup- porters of Washington's administration had christened themselves. But though Ham- ilton's zeal and energy had made him, even while like Jeiferson in nominal retirement, the leader of the federalists, he could hardly be said to hold the same place with them that Jefferson did with the republicans, whose presidential candidate he was, a position among the federalists which belonged less to Hamilton than to Adams or Jay, whose greater age and longer public service placed them more conspicuously in the public eye. Ham- ilton, though he had always spoken of Adams as a man of unconquerable intrepidity and incorruptible integrity, and as such had al- ready twice supported him for vice president, would yet have much preferred Jay. The po- sition of Adams was, however, such as to render his election more probable than that of Jay, and to determine his selection as the candidate of the federalists. Jay, by his nego- tiation of the famous treaty which bore his name, had for the moment drawn down upon himself a strong feeling of hostility on the part of its numerous and bitter opponents. Adams stood, moreover, as vice president in the line of promotion, and was more sure of the New England vote, which was absolutely indispensable to the success of either. One of the candidates being taken from the North, it seemed politic to select the other from the South, and the federalist leaders pitched for that purpose upon Thomas Pinckney of South Carolina. Indeed, there were some, and Hamilton was among the num- ber, who secretly wished that Pinckney might receive the larger vote, and so be chosen presi- dent over Adams's head a result, from the likelihood of Pinckney's obtaining more votes than Adams at the South (as he really did), al- most sure to happen could the northern federal electors be persuaded to vote equally for Adams and for Pinckney, which Hamilton la- bored to effect. The fear, however, that Pinck- ney might be chosen over Adams, led to the withholding from Pinckney of eighteen New England votes, so that the result was not only to make Jefferson vice president, as having more votes than Pinckney, but also to excite prejudices and suspicions in the mind of Adams against Hamilton, which, being reciprocated by him, led speedily to the disruption and final overthrow of the federal party. It had almost happened, such was the equal division of par- ties, that Jefferson had this time been chosen president, the election of Adams, who had 71 votes to Jefferson's 68, being only secured by two stray votes cast for him, one in Vir- ginia and the other in North Carolina, trib- utes of revolutionary reminiscences and per- sonal esteem. Chosen by this slender major- ity, Mr. Adams succeeded to office (March 4, 1797) at a very dangerous and exciting crisis of affairs. The progress of the French revolu- tion had superinduced upon previous party di- visions a new and very vehement one. Jef- ferson's supporters, who sympathized very warmly with the French republic, gave their moral if not their positive support to the claim set up by its rulers, but which Wash- ington had refused to admit, that under the provisions of the French treaty of alliance the United States were bound to support France against Great Britain, at least in the defence of her West India possessions. The other party, the supporters of Adams, upheld the policy of neutrality adopted by Washing- ton. At the same time that Washington had sent Jay to England to arrange, if possible, the pending difficulties with that country, wishing also to keep on good terms with the French republic, he had recalled Gouverneur Morris, who as minister to France had made himself obnoxious to the now predominant party there, and had appointed James Mon- roe in his place. Monroe, instead of conforming to his instructions and attempting to reconcile the French to Jay's mission, had given them assurances on the subject quite in contradiction with the treaty as made, both the formation and ratification of which Monroe had done his best to defeat. He had in consequence been recalled by Washington shortly before the close of his term of office, and C. C. Pinckney, a brother of Thomas Pinckney, had been appoint- ed in his place. The French authorities, of- fended at this change and at the ratification of Jay's treaty in spite of their remonstrances, while they dismissed Monroe with great ova- tions, refused to receive the new ambassador sent in his place, at the same time issuing de- crees and orders highly injurious to American commerce. Almost the first act of Mr. Adams as president was to call an extra session of congress to consider what should be done. Not only was a war with France greatly to be dreaded and deprecated on account of her great military and naval power, but still more so on account of the very formidable party which, among the ultra republicans, she could muster within the states themselves. Under these cir- cumstances, the measure resolved upon by Adams and his cabinet was the appointment of a new and more solemn commission to France, composed of Pinckney and two colleagues, for which purpose the president selected John Marshall of Virginia and Elbridge Gerry of Mas- sachusetts. But instead of receiving and open- ly treating with those commissioners, Talley- rand, lately an exile in America, but now sec- retary of foreign affairs to the French directory, entered into an intrigue with them through several unaccredited and unofficial agents, of which the object was to induce them to promise a round bribe to the directors and a large sum of money to the exhausted French treasury, by way of purchasing forbearance. As Pinckney and Marshall appeared less pliable than Gerry,