Page:The American Cyclopædia (1879) Volume X.djvu/830

824: JAMES MADISON of the convention, proposing a scheme of thor- ough centralization. The writer declares that he is equally opposed to " the individual inde- pendence of the states " and to " the consolida- tion of the whole into one simple republic." He is nevertheless in favor of investing con- gress with power to exercise " a negative in all cases whatever on the legislative acts of the states, as heretofore exercised by the kingly prerogative." He says further that " the right of coercion should be expressly declared ; . . . but the difficulty and awkwardness of opera- ting by force on the collective will of a state, render it particularly desirable that the neces- sity of it should be precluded." From these extreme views Madison afterward conscien- tiously departed, but in the convention he sup- ported them with zeal and vigor. The scheme known as the "Virginia plan" was adopted instead, and the convention adjourned. The subsequent adoption of the constitution was in large measure brought about by a series of es- says now familiar, in their collected form, as " The Federalist." They were commenced in a New York newspaper soon after the adjourn- ment of the convention, and continued to ap- pear until June, 1788. The public journals everywhere republished them, and it was soon known that they were the work of Hamilton, Madison, and Jay. The volume remains the most forcible exposition upon the side which it espoused. The whole ground is surveyed generally and in detail ; the various points at issue are discussed with the utmost acuteness, and the advantages of the adoption of the in- strument urged with a logical force and elo- quence which place the "Federalist" beside the most famous political writings of the old English worthies. The Virginia convention assembled in June, and Madison was a member of it. He had completely overcome his nat- ural diffidence, and, although deficient as an orator, exerted a powerful influence over his associates, and contributed to the final triumph of the constitution as much as any one in the body. The instrument was adopted by a vote of 89 to 79, and the convention rose. The part which he had taken in its deliberations very greatly increased Madison's reputation ; and he was brought forward as a candidate for Uni- ted States senator, but was defeated. He was however chosen a representative in congress, and took his seat in that body in April, 1789. Alexander Hamilton was at the head of the treasury department, and Madison was obliged either to support the great series of financial measures initiated by the secretary, or distinctly abandon his former associate, and range him- self on the side of the republican opposition. He adopted the latter course. Although he had warmly espoused the adoption of the con- stitution, he was now convinced of the neces- sity of a strict construction of the powers which it conferred upon the general govern- ment. He accordingly opposed the funding bill, the national bank, and Hamilton's system of finance generally. His affection for Wash- ington and long friendship for Hamilton ren- dered such a step peculiarly disagreeable to a man of Madison's amiable and kindly disposi- tion. But the tone of his opposition did not alienate his friends. Occupying middle ground between the violent partisans on both sides, he labored to reconcile and harmonize the antag- onism of the two parties. He always retained the cordial regard of Washington. On Jeffer- son's return from France, Madison was solicit- ed to accept the mission, and it was kept open awaiting his decision for twelve months. He declined the place, as he afterward did the office of secretary of state on the retirement of Jefferson, from a conviction that the radi- cal antagonism of views between himself and the majority in the cabinet would render his acceptance of either office fruitful in misun- derstandings and collisions. He remained in congress, became thoroughly identified with the republicans, and in 1792 was the avowed leader of the party in congress. In 1794 he gave his full support to its foreign policy by moving a series of resolutions, based upon the report of Jefferson, advocating a retaliatory policy toward Great Britain, and commercial discriminations in favor of France. These resolutions he supported in a speech of great ability. In March, 1797, his term expired, and he returned to Virginia. The insulting treat- ment of the American envoys to France, and the war message of President Adams, were about to be followed by the passage of the alien and sedition laws. The republicans vainly tried to stem the popular current in favor of the measures of the administration. The pass- ing of the alien and sedition laws in July, 1798, gave them the first opportunity to make a stand. Opposition to even these violent mea- sures was however ineffectual in the federal legislature ; and the republican leaders deter- mined to resort to the state arenas for the decisive struggle. It commenced in Kentucky, and resulted there in the adoption of a series of resolutions, which were followed, in De- cember, 1798, by similar resolves of the Vir- ginia assembly. The latter, now known as "the resolutions of l798-'9," were drawn up by James Madison, not then a member. They declared the determination of the assembly to defend the constitutions of the United States and of the states, but to resist all attempts to enlarge the authority of the federal compact by forced constructions of general clauses, as tending to consolidation, the destruction of the liberties of the states, and finally to a mon- archy. In case of a " deliberate, palpable, and dangerous" exercise of powers not clearly granted to the general government, the states had a right to interpose ; and as the passing of the alien and sedition laws was such an in- fraction of right, the assembly protested against those laws. The seventh resolution called upon other states to join with the state of Virginia " in declaring, as it does hereby declare, that