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The Bohemian Review
OFFICIAL ORGAN OF THE BOHEMIAN (CZECH) NATIONAL ALLIANCE OF AMERICA

Jaroslav F. Smetanka, Editor, 2324 South Central Park Ave., Chicago.
J. J. Fekl, Business Manager, 2816 S. St. Louis Ave., Chicago

Vol. I, No. 3. APRIL 1917

10 cents a Copy
$1.00 per Year

The Future Status of Bohemia

BY THOMAS G. MASARYK[1].

In a previous article, “Bohemia and the European Crisis”, an attempt was made to show by a succinct historical sketch the political meaning of the Bohemian question. Until the war broke out Western public opinion displayed little interest in the constitutional and political problems of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy and its constituent countries, and even during the war attention has been mainly directed to Germany to the exclusion of Austria-Hungary. It was but natural that many political amateurs should fight against a recognition of the fact that Austria-Hungary was no less an enemy of Great Britain than Germany herself. Fortunately the leading statesmen of Britain and her Allies grasped the true situation, as has been clearly shown by their programme proclaiming the liberation of the non-German and non-Magyar nations of Austria-Hungary—in other words, the dismemberment of the Dual Monarchy. One of the nations to be liberated is the Czecho-Slovak, which, as I have tried to show, has the full right to independence. Bohemia is, indeed, in point of law, an independent state whose ancient rights are disputed and violated by the Germans and Magyars. The Bohemian question is not a mere question of nationality, and cannot be solved by granting a greater or less degree of home rule and autonomy; there are political considerations as well. Bohemia is struggling for independence, and the achievement of that independence is in the interests of the Allies—nay more, it is a necessity for them.

The present article deals with the proposed independent Bohemian State and its administrative and constitutional organization.

1. Area and Population.—The Bohemian State would be composed of the lands of the Crown of St. Wenceslas, namely, Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia; and to these would be added the Slovak districts of North Hungary. The frontiers of the three former would, in the main, follow the lines laid down by history and tradition, but the southern and eastern frontiers of Slovakia could not be fixed without opposition from the Magyars, in spite of their being mainly ethnographical, and including as little of the Magyar population as possible. The new State would thus have about 12,000,000 inhabitants, and would extend to about 50,000 English square miles (Belgium = 11,373).

2. The Name.—The Note to President Wilson proposes the liberation of “the Czechs and Slovaks” (des Tchèques et des Slovaques), whereas the English translation speaks of “Czecho-Slovaks”. It is necessary to settle the question of terminology first. This is not a mere matter of philology; behind the name there lies a certain political and legal conception and an attempt at definitions. It is well known that this question of terminology caused great difficulties between Austria and Hungary at the time when the Dual system was established, and similar difficulties might arise in our case.

Bohemia, strictly speaking, designates Bohemia proper, the chief Bohemian country, exclusive of Moravia and Silesia; but the “Bohemian” Crown designates all these countries as a constitutional unit. In that sense the name might designate the whole future State. Its origin appears to be Celtic; the Boii were a Celtic people who inhabited part of the land, and were succeeded by the German tribe of Marcomanni, who, in their turn, were supplanted by the Slav Czechs. Čech is the Slav name for the Slav people and language in Bohemia and its provinces, and as there is a


  1. Reprinted from “The New Europe”, Feb. 22 , 1917.