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relieved from the exercise of his discretion, which under the old system was constantly demanded of him; Dissenters are deprived of a ground of complaint which they otherwise frequently take up; the support and confidence of the lower middle class, that most difficult class of the community, appears to be effectually attracted and secured.
The first annual report, under the signature of the curate in charge, thus speaks of the success of the experiment:—"The committee think it right to add that they are perfectly satisfied with the working of the Conscience Clause in their trust deed, whereby the advantages of the school are legally secured to the children of Dissenting parents, and cannot refrain from expressing a hope that other Church of England schools will more largely follow their example." And I believe that other generations besides our own may possibly read the inscription upon the walls of those schools as an unconscious monument of a feud that has burnt itself out, and as marking a turning-point in the history of popular education in England. The dignified record of this successful experiment is as follows:—"To the glory of God and for the benefit of the children of the poor of all religious denominations, these schools, built mainly by the employers of labour in the neighbourhood, upon ground given by the incumbent of the parish, were opened by the Bishop of London on the 25th day of May, 1864."
We will now proceed to examine Archdeacon Denison's seventeen reasons why the Church of England may have nothing to do with any manner of Conscience Clause."[1]
- ↑ I feel convinced that it will not be a waste of trouble to refute these allegations one by one. Strange as it may seem to the statesman or the political student, I believe that many of them will be heard of again in Parliament as well as in Convocation. Indeed, I have been assured by a prominent opponent of the clause, both in and out of Parliament, that he thought only one of them unsatisfactory!
