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But to such a meeting as this I do not rely on arguments that may have weight with statesmen so much as those that address themselves to Churchmen. Where, then, is the principle of this clause? A recognition of the parental authority. Some speak of the Conscience Clause as if the Church was called on to resign to the State its spiritual rights, as if it was required to shape its religious teaching to suit the Government. But it is not so. It is rather that Church and State alike are called upon to bow before a power that is paramount to both; to recognise the natural and divine right of those to whom is intrusted the culture and well-being of their offspring, and with whom rests both the responsibility and right of determining what religion the child shall be taught. This is the principle of the Conscience Clause, and this is a principle which I believe the Church may accept without any compromise of her own. And see how the clause is guarded; it only refers to individuals, not to the school; and in the individual cases it gives only a negative power, which 'shall not otherwise interfere with the religious teaching.' It leaves that religious teaching still entirely in the hands of the clergy, and 'shall not authorise any other religious instruction to be given.' Against this clause thus viewed, I think the seventeen reasons alleged by Archdeacon Denison do not apply, Neither is there any breach of faith on the part of the State. It is too much to require that, with progress in everything, there is to be a finality code of education -, and new difficulties will from time to time require new regulations. We ought to look at the difficulty and try to adjust it. The State desires to embody the Conscience Clause in a minute after conference with the Church as to the terms. What should those terms be? (1) That it should not apply to parishes of above a certain population—say where there arc a thousand Church people. (2) It should apply to annual grants, and then the managers
