PREFACE.
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it was first prepared. I refer to the fact that the Conscience Clause has not yet been submitted to Parliament in the shape of a Minute—a fact which is made use of to prove the arbitrary action and insidious policy of the Council Office. It is quite sufficient to quote Lord Granville's answer before the recent Committee when the same objection was under notice:—
Question 1931, by the Chairman.—"May I take the liberty of asking why, as the head of the Department, you did not in the case of the Conscience Clause, as in the case of other important changes in the practice of the office, place the question before Parliament?"—"I do not know whether I am wrong in what I have done, but I am quite ready to state to the Committee my reasons for acting as I have acted. I think that it is very important indeed, if possible, to arrange this Conscience Clause with the concurrence of the Church of England. It is very desirable, if possible, that the Privy Council, or whatever department has charge of the education of the country, should be on good terms with the Church of England; and I hope that an advance has been made with the Conscience Clause in the minds of a very large portion, not only of Church of England men, but of the clergy of the Church of England … But I think that if I were to propose to lay before the House of Commons a Conscience Clause now, exactly in the shape in which it is, with rather a difficult and wavering rule as to the number of Dissenters, the first question of the House of Commons would be—'Why are any number of Dissenters to be forced either to violate their religious feelings or to be excluded from the benefit of the education which is partly supported by the State?' I believe that our Conscience Clause does not go far enough now to satisfy the House of Commons, and at present I am afraid that we should not have concurrence on the part of
