The Vice-President : IVhat to Do with Him.
THE VICE-PRESIDENT:
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WHAT TO DO WITH HIM.
By Hon. Walter Clark. IN the beginning it was contemplated by our Constitution-makers that while the successful candidate should be President, his chief rival should be the Vice-President. Accordingly when John Adams became President, Thomas Jefferson was chosen Vice-President. At the next election when Thomas Jefferson was chosen, Aaron Burr, who was not in contemplation at the polls for the chief place, jeopardized the choice of Jefferson, and the danger of a repetition of this state of things caused a constitutional amendment to avert it. Un der the practical workings of the Constitu tion we have the present anomalous condi tion, that the Vice-Presidency is an office without power and almost without duties, and consequently almost without impor tance. His sole duty, that of presiding over a Senate in which he has no voice and, save in case of a tie, no vote, can be, and often for long periods is, discharged by some senator who is elected as President pro tern. The Vice-President is not vested with the power of appointing the commit tees, since, unlike the Speaker of the House of Representatives, he is not chosen by the body over which he presides, and not in frequently is of a different political party from the majority of the Senate. Thus being without power and practically without duties, the Vice-Presidency offers few inducements to an able, ambitious man, and the nomination has been often refused. This has in very many instances, though not always, thrown the nomination as a compliment to some man who would not by the nominating convention be considered for a moment for the Presidency. Yet the Vice-President has the terrible potentiality of succeeding to the Presidency in the event of a vacancy. This condition has
brought about some most inconvenient re sults. In 1840 John Tyler was nominated to conciliate the minority of the Whig party who differed widely on some material points from the great bulk of the party. The death of President Harrison, after a short month in office, robbed the Whigs of the fruits of their victory and brought ca tastrophe upon them and a revolution in the policy of the administration. In 1848, after the nomination of Gen. Taylor, Mr. Webster declined the Vice-Presidency as beneath him, and thus lost his last chance of filling his life-long ambition, for a few months later Mr. Fillmore became Presi dent, — a most excellent man, but one who would never have. been thought of for the first place. Had President Lincoln died during his first term, it may be seriously doubted if Mr. Hamlin would have been satisfactory to his party or the country, and it is very certain that Andrew Johnson was not. It is not necessary to prolong this review. While there have been a few Vice-Presidents who were possible nominees for the Presi dency, the rule has been otherwise. As out of nineteen presidents so far elected, four have fallen in office, the ratio of succession for the Vice-Presidency has been more than one in five, in fact over twenty-one per cent. This opens up a serious danger, and some plan should be devised to make the Vice-Presidency more attractive to men of the first order, by adding to its dignity and powers. Among the plans discussed, that of giving the Vice-President a voice and vote in the Senate would require a constitutional amend ment. Nor can it be expected that the Senate will amend its rules to confer on the Vice-President the important power of ap
