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The Green Bag.

two kinds of governments, — a government of force without law and a government of law without force. In the main, the govern ments of the world have been governments of force without or above law. We attempt ed the experiment of a government of law without force. We complain of and criti cise and grumble at our system of govern ment. The truth is, it is far above us. We are not educated up to it within a century. Here the law is the mere letter. There are no embattled armies to enforce it. It is a mere word, acting by its own vitality. How shall this system be preserved? Only by the universal submission of all men, high and low, strong and weak, the highest official as well as the humblest member of the com munity, to that simple letter paramount and supreme. His argument demonstrated that the court had jurisdiction; that the notion, that the executive was so far an independent co-or dinate department of the government that the court could not try the title of a usurper and oust him from the office of governor, was a monstrosity. Ryan was for a short time in partnership with Matt. H. Carpenter, subsequently of national fame, but the two were not adapted to work well together. Indeed, Ryan's in firmity, and the bar to his highest success as a practitioner, was an easily provoked and uncontrollable temper. It was one of the infirmities of genius. He was true in friend ship; when gentle, the gentlest; when kindly, the most considerate and just; but, when irritated by annoyance or physical ailment, his anger blew a gale. This limited the number of his clients, and unfitted him for the annoyance and perplexities of a num erous clientage and miscellaneous practice. It rendered it difficult for him to get on with partners. But no lawyer ever lived with a higher sense of professional ethics and eti quette, or a loftier ideal of the duties of the lawyer and the judge. Says Judge Jenkins, once his partner, now

one of the able judges of the seventh judi cial circuit of the United States: "The life of Judge Ryan was one long struggle — a struggle against himself, a struggle against untoward fortune, a struggle against infir mity which the world knew little of and allowed not for. And so to most men he seemed arrogant and proud; whereas, to those who knew him best, when quit of infirmity, companionable and considerate. He seemed of different mould from other men; above the need of sympathy or too proud to claim it." j He had on so many occasions evinced his powers, that the bar of Wisconsin, generous and appreciative as the profession ever is, acknowledged him as a giant intellect with out rivalry and without envy. " He stood by common consent for twenty-five years at the head of the Wisconsin bar, as its highest ornament and most distinguished advocate," says Chief-Justice Cole. " His knowledge of the principles of law in all its branches was at once varied and profound. And he made such a brilliant use of that knowledge in all his great efforts as to secure the high distinction which he attained in his profes sion." In politics he was a Democrat, but of too lofty a cast to be widely popular. He pos sessed none of the arts of the courtier. During the war he was much criticised as the author of the " Ryan Address," which was adopted by a Democratic convention in 1862, which censured the authorities in Washington for the course pursued in pros ecuting the war. He was denounced as a Southern sympathizer, yet the address con tained these words : " The defeat of the Democratic party, in 1860, has been fol lowed by the present terrible civil war, be cause it was defeated by a sectional party. We reprobate that revolt as unnecessary, un justifiable, unholy! Devoted to the Consti tution, we invoke the vengeance of God upon all who raise their sacrilegious hands against it, whether wearing the soft gloves of