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accomplishing many effective legal reforms during his long term of office, but who can say that he may not yet enable his sover eign, Edward VII, to realize the beautiful dream of Lord Brougham in his speech on law reform, in 1828, when, adverting to the boast of Augustus "That he found Rome of bricks, and left it of marble," continued, "But, how much nobler will be our sovereign's boast, when he will have it to say, I found law dear, and left it cheap; found it a sealed book and left it a living letter; found it a patrimony of the rich, left it the inheritance of the poor; found it a two-edged sword of craft and oppression, and left it the staff of honesty and the shield of innocence," and that the name of Halsbury himself may not live imperishably in English history with that of Romilly, Mackintosh, Brougham, Campbell, Selborne, and other eminent law-reformers? One would like to see the Lord Chancel lor more strenuous in accomplishing the founding of the proposed British University of Law, a scheme which moves with stately slowness. It may be recalled that in the sixteenth century, Cardinal Wolsey actually projected an institution to be founded in London for the study of all branches of law, and even furnished an architectural model for the building, which was consid ered a masterpiece, and remained long after his death as a curiosity in the palace at Greenwich. Lord Campbell says, "Such an institution is still a desideratum in England, for with splendid exceptions English barristers, al though very clever practitioners, are not such able jurists as in other countries where law is systematically studied as a science." In modern times, it would appear that the importance of the political side of the Chancellorship has diminished. Certainly since the days of Eldon and Brougham none have made themselves conspicuous or noto rious as cabinet-makers or political intrig uers. Nor would the public of to-day tol
erate neglect of the judicial duties of the office on account of- excessive devotion to statecraft and wire-pulling. The chancellor, being still a member of the cabinet, naturally is called upon to pro mote and defend government measures in the House of Lords, on such occasions leav ing the woolsack and speaking from the floor of the chamber. In the closing days of the last session of Parliament, the ven erable chancellor replied to the Earl of Rosebery, in the debate which was raised over the refusal of the government to re sign or dissolve on account of an adverse vote in the Commons. The chancellor's speech was spirited, concise, and full of caustic sarcasm. In fact, of all the many speeches made, none in either House com pare with the Lord Chancellor's for cogent reasoning, clear statement, and sparkling retort. Still, less and less will the chancellor be the politician, and more and more the chief judicial officer of the empire. But even if denuded of a portion of its duties, the office will still retain occupations of a magnitude and importance amply sufficient to preserve its historic dignity and prestige. The chancellorship of Lord Halsbury will always be a memorable one in the annals of English history, and for nothing will His Lordship be more particularly remembered than for his courtesy and consideration for his brethren on the Bench and at the Bar, for his admirable selection of judges, for his great executive ability, and for the manly, unaffected, and optimistic influence which he has irradiated throughout his long and brilliant career, during which he has shown himself to be the highest type of an English gentleman and an almost ideal chancellor. As he passes the fourscore mark, we are sure that lawyers the world over will ex tend to him their congratulations, and wish him many happy returns of the day. MONTREAL, CANADA, September, 1905.
