JAMES WILSON — NATION BUILDER the complaints and representations which have been made against her." Finally, Wilson was able to report a complete victory for Pennsylvania. We also find him informing President Dickinson in 1785 that "in some conversation I have had with Governor Clinton [of New York], the actual running and marking a line between Pennsylvania and New York has appeared to us to be a measure of much importance to both states and which in the present juncture may be easily accom plished," — and it was, as a result of Wilson's initiative. He was also called upon to assist the Attorney General of Pennsylvania in several other cases of importance. One of them, Commonwealth versus Matlack, indicated that political conditions had decidedly changed in Pennsylvania, for Matlack had been a member of and the Secretary of the Supreme Executive Council at the time of the issuance of the proclamation in the matter of the attack on Wilson's house in 1777, which disturbance is known in Penn sylvania history as the " Fort Wilson Riot." 1 On June 2, 1784, the Supreme Executive Council adopted a resolution that Wilson be requested to assist the Attorney General in the de Longchamps case and it appearing that he had not acted, another resolution to the same effect was adopted on June 25, 1784, and this double effort to secure his aid proved successful. James Wilson's farseeing mind, however, was not confined to intellectual activities alone, for on October 31, 1783, he submitted a proposal to the Assembly of Pennsylvania to build "a bridge over the river Delaware at the Falls of Trenton," which was favorably received. In 1784 he was not a delegate to the Congress, but in that year he published his celebrated address to the citizens of Phila delphia. He was again returned to Con gress in April, 1785, also in November, 1785, and was continued by successive re-elections until the adoption of the United States 1 Vide pp. 106-107 supra.
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Constitution. Space will not permit of an examination of Wilson's many and invalu able services in Congress during the trying years following the treaty of peace with Great Britain, during which time the lack of cohesive force in the Articles of Con federation became so evident and the flame of nationality burned so low. But Wilson, realizing the necessity for one great nation on the western shores of the Atlantic, never lost the faith and courage that was within him. When Robert Morris, angered by the attacks made upon him, resigned as Super intendent of Finance, it was Wilson who pleaded with him and succeeded in getting him to remain in charge of this branch of the public service, then, as now, so vital to the public welfare. The Articles of Confederation had been agreed to by Congress and ratified by the states after Wilson's removal in 1777,1 and they lacked that power to make a nation which was characteristic of every national document which received Wilson's touch. We may well imagine, from all we know of Wilson, that had he shaped the Articles of Confederation into final form, they would not have possessed the inherent weaknesses they did. Finally, the Consti tutional Convention was decided upon, and the year 1787 found James Wilson a dele gate from Pennsylvania, and fully equipped by learning, experience, temperament, and personal influence for the great work that lay before him and the other creative intellects of the time — the making of the Constitution of the United States, to the end that republican government might be firmly established in America, and a sure foundation built for the mighty nation then slumbering in embryo. No man in America had greater forensic powers than Wilson, save perhaps Patrick Henry, who, imbued with local and bereft of national pride, had declined to serve as a Virginia delegate to the Constitutional Convention. Combined with Wilson's powers of oratory, there was 1 Vide p. 104 supra.
