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he made up his mind what it must be and — made the thing happen, crushing oppo sition with irresistible force. He was the antithesis of such patriots as Patrick Henry, who were controlled by local interests and narrow considerations of policy, and who lacked Wilson's broad and comprehensive grasp of fundamental prin ciples. Patrick Henry, in his powerful oration against the adoption of the Consti tution in the Virginia Ratifying Convention, with his analytical mind went to the heart of the issue, yet his words show the same misconception of first principles which con trol so many in our day. He asked: "What right had they to say, We, the people? My political curiosity, exclusive of my anxious solicitude for the public wel fare, leads me to ask, who authorized them to speak the language of We, the people, instead of We, the states? States are the characteristics and the soul of a confedera tion. If the states be not the agents of the compact, it must be one great, consolidated, national government oj all the states. . . . "The fate of America may depend upon this question. Have they said, We, the states? Have they made a proposal of a compact between states? If they had, this would be a confederation; it is, otherwise, most clearly a consolidated government. The whole question turns, sir, on that poor little thing, the expression, We, the people, instead of the states of America." 1 How different were Wilson's views, as expressed in the Pennsylvania Ratifying Convention. "I view the states as made for the People as well as by them, and not the People as made for the states; the People, therefore, have a right, whilst enjoying the undeniable powers of society, to form either a general government, or state governments, in what manner they please; or to accommodate them to one another; and by this means preserve them all; this, I say, is the inherent and unalienable right of-the people." Then, after quoting from the Declara tion of Independence as an authority, he declared : 1 Wirt's "Life of Henry," pp. 267-271.
"State sovereignty, as it is called, is far from being able to support its weight. Nothing less than the authority of the people could either support it or give it efficacy. . . . My position is, sir, that in this country the supreme, absolute, and uncontrollable power resides in the people at large; that they have vested certain proportions of this power in the state gov ernments; but that the fee-simple con tinues, resides, and remains with the body of the people." Wilson has also left with us these golden words of wisdom and of warning, contain ing an even more trenchant statement of his doctrine; "The people of the United States must be considered attentively in two very different views — as forming one nation, great and united; and as forming, at the same time, a number of separate states, to that nation subordinate, but independent as to their own interior government. This very im portant distinction must be continually before our eyes. // it be properly observed, everything will appear regular and propor tioned: if it be neglected, endless confusion and intricacy will unavoidably ensue." Wilson, as a result of his battle for the people, was attacked with all the virulence of political bitterness. He was called an "aristocrat," "The Caledonian," "Jimmy," "Jamie," and, with Thomas McKean, Chief Justice of Pennsylvania, was burned in effigy at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, with this inscription "James de Caledonia" fastened to his coat. But at last, triumphing over every obstacle, he was successful in securing from the convention, mainly as a result of his own abilities, the immortal Constitu tion; securing, practically entirely by his. own efforts, its ratification in Pennsyl vania; and securing, very largely as a, result of his arguments scattered broadcast throughout the states, its adoption as the fundamental law of the land in 1788. Thus did James Wilson achieve his second great mission in America. (To be concluded) Philadelphia, Pa., February, 1907.
