CONDITIONS AND METHODS OF LAW MAKING before the usual beginning of a Parliamen tary session in order to call the attention of all persons possibly interested. They are advertised in the newspapers of the parts of the country which they affect in order that every person who desires to oppose them may have opportutnity of entering a notice of opposition and being heard upon it. When they are brought in they are examined by certain persons for the Ex aminers of Standing Orders, who see that they comply with the general rules which Parliament has prescribed, directing the conditions which these private bills must satisfy, and seeing that all the regulations with regard to notices are strictly complied with. If they pass the Examiners of Standing Orders and are shown to have complied with all the rules operating in that behalf, they are then brought up for second reading either in the House of Lords, or House of Commons as the case may be. They are as a rule unopposed. It is only where a private bill raises some large question of public interest that it is opposed upon a second reading. For in stance, if it proposes to take common land which would otherwise be enjoyed by the public, it is open to any member to give notice and oppose it on second reading and to raise there the general question whether common land in which the local public are interested ought to be taken by the corpo ration or other persons promoting an under taking. If it relates to such a question as to who shall supply electricity, whether it shall be supplied by the municipality or by a private company, as was the case of a most important bill that Parliament considered during two succeeding sessions, where a large private company sought power from Parliament to create an enor mous power establishment to supply elec tricity to every part of London then again that question would be fully debated on second reading. But these are rather exceptions. It is only where a large public question is raised, that there is any dis
cussion on second reading, otherwise the bill is sent as a matter of course to a committee and in that way of course the time of Parlia ment is enormously saved. When it goes to a committee it goes to one composed of four members, before which the opponents may appear to resist them or to have them modified. The Chairman is always a man of special experience in business. He is necessarily a member of the House. Of course, the Chairmen, who are taken from an appointed panel of our private bill committee become by practice generally very expert and skilful in dealing with these matters. The members of this committee make, a declaration that they have no private interest in the matter 'dealt with by the bill, and they are required to deal with it in a judicial spirit, on the basis of the evidence presented and the arguments used by the lawyers who represent each side, just as in a Court of Justice. It is deemed improper to attempt to address private solicitations to the members of the committee with a view to influence their decision. If any private member or any one from outside should endeavor to address private arguments, or inducements to any member of the committee to vote in a particular way on the bill, he would be considered to have committed a breach of our rules and he would be severely condemned by the public opinion of his fellow members. In point of fact the thing does not happen. These private bill committees whether they decide right or wrong, because they sometimes err like other people, are always understood to be fair, impartial and honest. In that way the procedure gives general satisfaction. Neither have we any class of persons whose business it is to come down and endeavor to persuade members to vote for or against a measure. The conduct of these bills is in the hands of a body of regular practitioners who are called parliamentary agents. They are very often attorneys, but sometimes they are not. They are an organized body who are bound by a code
