Dec. 6, 1872.]
GAURIAN VERBS.
359
have in the Naipāli past tense, ‘pugyo. This form ‘pugyo", then stands for an original form pu-H krita. From the past part, passive ‘pugya’, the secondary base ‘puga' is derived, as ‘ubha' from “ubhya;’ and from the secondary base ‘puga' the verb ‘puganā’ is derived. In the next place,
This form would be represented in Prākrit by
this result is confirmed by an examination of the
passammi kiä or pahammi kiä. The latter form
verb ‘pukāranā.' We have seen that the causal of ‘ubhanā' is ‘ubhāranā’. On the assumption,
‘pahāīkya;’ and of these again the latter would
that the element “ganā' of ‘puganā' be identical
with ‘kanā’ and a derivative of the root “kara' (or kri), if we form a causal of ‘puganā' (or its origi nal form ‘pukanā’) analogous to the causal “ubhāranā’ of ‘ubhanà, we obtain the form ‘pukā raná.” Now this assumed causal really exists, and is, in fact, nothing else but the verb ‘pukā raná, mentioned above. For ‘pukāranā' means to call, and “to call some one” means really
nothing else but “to cause some one (by means of the voice) to arrive.” The verb ‘pukāranā’ originally must have had a wider meaning, i.e. in general “to cause to arrive.” In course of time its use and meaning was restricted to a
particular mode of causing to arrive, viz., by means of the voice.
Having thus discovered the origin of the ele ment ‘ganá, the next question is what is the origin of the other element “pu' or ‘pahuń.' We have already seen that the Naipāli past tense ‘pugyo represents a Sanskrit form pu--kritah;
just as ‘ubhyo' a Sanskrit form ‘ud'+*bhritah.' The element “ud' is a prefix; but there is none among the Sanskrit prefixes, which could have been phonetically modified to “pu, or still less to
‘pahum.' But there is another way of accounting for this element.
It may be an adverb qualify
ing the participle “kritah.” In that case, since the verb ‘puganā' means to arrive, and the ele ment ‘ganā’ to make, it must be an adverb mean ing, “near;” for to make near is the same as to come or to arrive ; if, e.g., I make near a town, I arrive at it.
This is well illustrated
in the
well known prayer,
aſſasſi is # 8A warā Tº triat i.e., come to me, God, and be gracious to me
always; or literally “make near to me, O God, etc.' Now there is a Sanskrit adverb ‘pārśvañ' or
or ‘pahuſ.’ The original Sanskrit past participle
from which the secondary verb ‘puganā'is derived, must have been pārśvañkrita or pārśvekrita. I
think, for reasons which it would take too long to detail here, that it was the latter pārśvekrita.
would change in old Gaurian to “pahámkya' or change in Modern Gaurian to pahoſkya.” And finally from this form, a secondary base ‘pahoñka’ and a secondary verb ‘pahoſkanā’ would be derived. This form ‘pahoſkanā’ or slightly modified ‘pahúñkanā’ or ‘pahuñkanā,' must have been (at all events ideally) the form of the verb on which all the different Gaurian modifications of it are founded.
These modifica
tions most probably took place very early. In Maráthi, Hindi, and Panjābi the guttural 35 changed to the palatal RT, thus we obtain the
forms, Marăthi—‘pahoñchaneh, Hindi—“pahuil chanã, Panjābi pahuñchanā’ which are also sometimes met with in a slightly corrupted form without the anuswära ‘pahuchanā’ and ‘pahu chaná. Next the element“pahúñ’ (pahú) or ‘pahum’ (pahu) was contracted to pit or pu, and at the same time the hard guttural à was in Naipāli and (low) Hindi softened to T, and the hard palatal RT in Panjābi to ST, thus we obtain the Maráthi form ‘púchaneſ, the Hindi ‘ puganá,' Marwāri also “pugavoii,' the Naipāli ‘püganu,” and the Panjābi‘pujanā' or ‘pujjana.’ The change of gutturals to palatals is rather common in the Aryan family of languages (see Bopp, Comp. Gramm. §. 13, 14); and it is not without example in the Indo-Aryan branch of it itself; e.g., the Sanskrit ‘kirāta a savage, becomes in
Prākrit ‘chiláda'; the Prākrit ‘kiö' (for Sanskrit ‘kritah') becomes in Gaurian ‘chiyo' (for Kiyo which is the old Marăthi postposition of the
genitive); to the Hindi (gen. postposition) {4 corresponds in Marăthi chá, in Sindhi jo. In all these instances as well as in the original form (pahofi kiä) of the base ‘pahuñcha, the guttural af is immediately followed by the palatal vowel H. This circumstance naturally ac counts for the transformation of the guttural ºf into the palatal RT. Very similarly a Sanskrit
‘pārśve' meaning near, which still very commonly
dental, followed by a palatal semivowel T or
occurs in Gaurian poetry in the form ‘pahaſ'
palatal vowel 5, changes in Prākrit and Gaurian
- This Gaurian o must not be confounded with the
Sanskrit diphthong sit, with which it shares the same letter.
and like it equivalent to the Sanskrit a, from which it is not distinguished in writing. For this statement as well as for the consecutive phonetic changes given in the text, there is abundant evidence. But this paper has already run to such a length, that I must refrain from entering into
It is a pure vowel, the long 6, the Greek Omega (Q), and like it equivalent to the Sanskrit 4. Gaurian possesses also the corresponding short vowel ú, the Greek omikron,
them here.
