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section of the workers. But can we bring about the revolution entirely without the backward section of the workers? And the right say: impatience. The time comes, however, when impatience is the most important thing we require. Take Thälmann. Speaking quite frankly, all the comrades say that when they hear him speak, they get the conviction that the German revolution will come one day. Therefore, comrades, we must have this. The two are complementary and we must unite them on the policy which we propose to you.

What will the minority do? Many say, they will form a new faction. Brandler perhaps will not form a new faction, but will wait a while. Every one of us knows how to appreciate comrade Brandler personally. He will yet do important work in the Party. To come and say now, turn them out, slaughter them, we think it is frivolous, it is not right.

I want to point out one or two other prospects. I believe, however, that we are almost agreed, we do not know how things will go further. In the first draft, we said, we must have both possibilities in mind on the question of the tempo, we erred. There is some consolation in that Lenin and Trotsky sometimes erred on this point. But our estimation remains correct. Then it is said everything will come within three months, I say wait and see, I am not so sceptical. But everything depends upon the driving power of the Party. We say that, as the Communist International, we are prepared to stake everything in order to hasten the development. Further preparations, further illegal organisations, further instructions to our brother sections, the French, &c. We have drawn up a letter to the French Party. Comrade Zetkin, who was a member of the commission, was convineed that the prospects in the German question were the old prospects, i.e., a new revolution. We will say the same thing to the other sections, and here, in Russia, also prepare for a speedy decision. But as leaders of the Party, we must see now that there is a danger of the process being slower. We must see this after the experiences we have had. Only eighteen months after 1905 were we able to see clearly whither things were leading. Three times Lenin fixed the revolt for 1906, then in the spring, then in the late summer after the peasants had gathered in the harvest, &c. The Mensheviks laughed at him, but there was nothing to laugh about. We erred in our estimation of the rapidity of development. After eighteen months, we saw that things will move more slowly. Our duty is now to see the thing as it now is; for the spring, for the summer—we shall see, for a short time perhaps.

If we agree on this point, then the heated struggle will not have been in vain. We have thrown off many illusions and gained much realist understanding.

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