everything to gain by peace. The Anglo-Japanese alliance sought to give no advantage either to Great Britain or to Japan that was not common to all other nations. England, too, always stood for "equal opportunity," for a fair field and no favor, and that is our policy, and it has long been the avowed policy of the United States. The saying, "May the best man win," applies to nations as well as to individuals.
Certainly, neither England nor Japan made this alliance with the hope that it will provoke war. In laying the treaty before the House of Lords, Lord Landsdowne said that it was a guarantee of peace, and so it was regarded by the Japanese statesmen.
I think no further evidence is needed to prove that the alliance was not con- cluded with the hope that it would lead to war ; I think, on the contrary, every fair-minded man must be convinced that both Great Britain and Japan were ani- mated solely and sincerely by the single purpose to preserve peace and give com- mercial development full sway. And I repeat it to you, gentlemen, with full appreciation of my statement, that the alliance has fulfilled its purpose. It had made for peace as much as it could. There comes a time in the life of every nation, as in the life of every individual, when the nation must choose between duty and its stern responsibilities, or weakly yield to escape obligations and pay the penalty for weakness tenfold. The war now unhappily waging in Manchuria was inevitable. It is a war not of our seeking. It was forced upon us, as I said before, by aggression and arrogance.
I assume you are familiar with the history of the negotiations preceding the outbreak of hostilities, and I feel confident that you can have only reached one conclusion from a study of the facts. You cannot fail to have been impressed by the spirit of forbearance, patience, and absolute fairness displayed by His Majesty's government, and the desire, pushed almost to the extreme limit of generosity, to do everything possible to avoid war. But we should have been unworthy the respect of our friends in England as well as in America, we should have forfeited our own self-respect, if we had permitted our desire for peace to make us play the part of weaklings and surrender our rights and interests because we were not men enough to defend them. We have done what Englishmen would have done. We have done what Americans, Frenchmen, Ger- mans, and even Zulus would have done. Our national existence was at stake. To die in its defense was more honorable than to live and lose all that we hold most precious. It is most fitting to quote as an expression of my o wri desire what was said by President Roosevelt : ' ' We wish peace; but we wish the peace of justice; the peace of righteousness. We wish it because we think it right, and not because we are afraid."
JAPAN DOES NOT MENACE THE UNITED STATES POLITICALLY OR COMMERCIALLY
The sympathy of America having been so freely expressed in our favor—a sympathy, I beg to assure you, very precious to us and which we shall ever most sacredly cherish — it may appear ungracious for me to take exception to any expressions of American opinion, but I avail myself of this opportunity, knowing that what I say will not be misinterpreted, to correct an erroneous impression. It is quite evident a belief exists that the strength and power of Japan is both a political and commercial menace to the United States. It has been said that Japan dwells with covetous eye on the Philippines and longs for the Pacific Island possessions of the United States. I assure you no seriousminded person in Japan entertains any such thought. Japan has enough to do for many a year to come to develop her
