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POLITICAL SCIENCE. 198 POLITICAL SCIENCE. of the power of the whole Slate. The dctiiiite or- giinizution of power for the [lurposes of orderly government, the marshaling of popular support ami of popular opinion, the creation of centres of control, and the defense of the entire struc- ture of the State against attacks from without and from within — these constitute the characteristic prohlems of politics in the narrower sense. When- ever we deal with the dynamic facts of State life we therefore have primarily •political' considera- tions. This is the case in .such subjects as diplo- macy and international politics, party politics, and all the creative activities of the government. Jn this sense it is a political action to apical to voters and to organize them into parties, to ad- vance the candidacy of certain persons for office, to create a willingness for effecting changes in the law, or to obtain treaty advantages from for- eign powers. Hut State life may also be viewed as static — estiihlishcd in certain permanent forms and ad- ministered according to lixed rules, llcie the con- ditions of political struggle for power and advan- tage are almo.st entirely eliminated and the State is looked upon as a eoninionwealth administered for the benelit of all citizens. The studies of public law (international, constitutional, and ad- ministrative), jurisprudence, and the technical methods of administration belong under this head- ing. They deal with State life as settled, as ad- ministered only by exfjert authorities and not im- mediately alleeted by the popular struggle for political power, ity analogy this grouj) of studies may be said to deal with the anatomy of the State, while the dynamic studies deal with its physiology. Though the fundamental fact of political strug- gle will always remain the chief characteristic of politics, it umst also be noted that the s|)here of static institutions is constantly expanding as the State develops in civilization. In the earlier ages the struggle for power swallowed up all available energies, and all considerations were subordinated to the political success of competing groups. Administration was viewed merelj' as the opportunity of the ruling group to fortify its position and to enjoy the fruits of power and influence. Kven the 'benevolent despotism' of the eighteenth century held that the chief reason why the pros|K"rity of the lower classes should l>e pro- tected was to maintain their value to the Gov- ernment as tax])ayers. In an absolute monarchy the intrigues among contending factions seeking royal favor usually absorl) the entire attention of the political classes, leaving but little to be devoted to the administration of the eonunon- wealth. Now although a system in which ])oliti- cal struggle would be entirely eliminated is per- haps inconceival>le, the ideal of a commonwealth demands that the ordinary administration of the State be placed as much as possible outside of the sphere of pergonal struggles for political i)Ower. For this reason the civil service should lie ren- dered independent of political changes and an expert administration placed in charge of the current afTairs of the eonunonwealth. Among the practical problems of politics at the present time there is none more important than the question as to how far the political representa- tives of the citizens — the parliamentary body — can profitably control, and interfere with, expert administration. While the sphere of parliamen- tary interference and control over the adminis- trative departments may seem to lie contracting, this is not to be taken as a sign of the absolute failure of parliamentary government, but as an indication that the development is toward a more perfect adjustment between the pojuilar or political and the expert agencies in government. Above the two aspects of political dynamics and statics, and embracing them both, there .stands political theory or political j^hilosophy, which deals with the general problem of the na- ture of the State. Viewing the State as a univer- sal form of human association, it attempts to analyze the principles upon which its authority rets and according to which its functions are performed. Closely allied to it is the subject of political ethics, which tests the ideals of State forms and of political action. Among the Greeks these various aspects of political thought were not dissociated; politics were considered as the means of giving practical form and existence to the true ethical ichals. The Hellenic sense of concrete vision, however, guarded against a con- fusion of existing institutions with the ideal schemes of philosophical discussion. This distinc- tion was not kept clear in the .Middle Ages, and in self-defense the modern school of political science, following Jlachiavelli, has striven clearly to distinguish the actual from the ideal. Tub PiKPosEs of Political Science. The pri- mary purpose of political science is the under- standing of the general laws of State life. This, however, does not involve the tracing back of [lolitical institutions to primal impulses in ani- mal life and to dominant inlluences exerted by inanimate nature, a work which sociology and social psychology are attempting to do. Political .science takes interest, motives, and puriioses as it finds them, investigates their relations to each other, traces their mutual influence, and studies the political actions and institutions created by them. Thus in a modern State it will investi- gate the grouping of interests in parties, oliserve the leading personalities who embody the pur- poses of large groups of men, and study the meth- ods through which these purposes are expressed in legislation and realized through administra- tive action. The necessity of a scientific basis for all political study would not seem to be in need of emphasizing. Without it the doors are thrown wide open to artificial construction, vague generalization, and the gradual sterilizing of originally fruitful concepts through mechanical repetition. Political science must constantly draw new life from the facts of history and of contemporary action. The second purpose of political science is the understanding of the forces, forms, and practices of contemporary political life. Although the aid of history is essential toward a thorough un- derstanding of contemporary institutions, a mi- nute analysis of their actual workings is equally indispensable in political science. This need not be purely empirical, but by the compari-on of modes of action in various States a basis for scientific induction and generalization will be furnished. This purpose will therefore best he achieved by the combination of two methods — ■ the detailed analytical stidy of institutionnl forms and administrative technique in any one nation and the comparison of the results thus obtained with institutions and practices in other States. A third object of political science consists in