The present fabric is too massy to be at once removed, but it may be by degrees undermined, and another substituted.
The statute of the 43d Elizabeth has, whether intended or not, given to every poor man now in existence a perfect right of maintenance. This right I admit to its utmost extent: to innovate on it, I also admit, the fullest proof must be adduced, that the change is for the poor man’s own benefit. Conscientiously satisfied that such ample proof can be offered before a committee, the first step I apprehend will be its appointment. Evidence may there be adduced, that the effect of the present system is to degrade the poor man as well in his own estimation as in that of the persons on whom the charge of maintaining him is devolved,—that his happiness is at an end—his existence embittered. The relief bestowed on him may remove indeed the cravings of hunger, but it is at the expense of all the best feelings of his nature. To restore independence of mind to the labouring classes is an indispensable ingredient in every plan for bettering their situation. Need there be any other proof requisite of this than the superiority of our people, on the whole, over every other nation? Whence does this arise? Is it not among the blessed fruits of our free constitution, inspiring independence of mind and action, giving consequence in his own eyes to every member of the community? Hence has arisen the glory, the pre-eminence of England. Extinguish the vital spark of liberty, destroy the political character of the people, and we shall soon sink to a level with countries groaning under despotism! Is it then consistent either with sound policy, or with humanity, that three millions of people, or nearly a third of our population, should be suffered to remain in the degraded state of pauperism? The loss of public estimation takes away a principal incentive to right action, and lessens the influence of moral principle, which places the reward of merit in the esteem of the virtuous.
