mise everything and deliver nothing. The Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki in the Consulting Committee played the part of simpletons who are fed on fine phrases, promises, "lunches"; the Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki, like the raven in the fable, lent a willing ear to flattery, delightedly swallowing the assurances of the capitalists that they would not undertake a single step without consulting the Soviets, esteeming the Soviets, of course, very highly.
As a mater of fact, time was passing, and the government of the capitalists had done absolutely nothing for the Revolution. But against the Revolution—they had already succeeded in renewing the secret predatory treaties, or rather, in emphasizing and "resurrecting" them by means of supplementary agreements, just as secret, with the diplomats of Anglo-French Imperialism. Against the Revolution—they had already succeeded in laying the foundations of a counter-revolutionary organization (or, at least, understanding) of the generals and officers of the old army. Against the Revolution—they had already begun to organize captains of industry, owners of factories and works, who, under the blows of the workers, had been compelled to make one concession after another, but who were now beginning to sabotage, production and prepare for its absolute stoppage, merely waiting for an appropriate moment.
But the organizing of the advanced workers and peasants into Soviets was proceeding inexorably. The best among the oppressed classes felt that the government, in spite of the agreement with the Petrograd Soviet, in spite of the eloquence of Kerensky, in spite of the "Consulting Committee" remained an enemy of the people, an enemy of the Revolution. The masses felt that if they did not break the resistance of the capitalists, the cause of peace, of freedom, of the Revolution would be lost forever. The impatience and ill-will of the masses was daily increasing.
II
On May 2 and 3 the masses burst forth. The cataclysm came with a sort of elemental fury, for no one had expected it. It appeared all the more distinctly directed against the government since one regiment marched out armed and appeared at the Marinsky Palace in order to arrest the ministers. To every one it was clear, to the point of axiomatic truth, that the government could not hold on. The Soviets could (and should) have taken the state power into their hands, without the slightest opposition from any side whatever. Instead of which the Social-Revolutionists and Mensheviki supported the tottering government of the capitalists, entan-
