The Central Committee of the All-Russia Soviets, after hearing Trotzky's repudiation of "Germany's hypocritical peace proposals," and his declaration that it might be necessary to defend the Revolution, adopted a resolution denouncing "the dominant parties in Germany," which "compelled by a popular movement to grant concessions to the principles of a democratic peace, nevertheless are trying to distort this 1dea in the sense of their own annexationist policy." The resolution further said:
"We now declare that the Russian Revolution remains faithful to the policy of internationalism.
"We say to the people of Germay, Austria-Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria.
"Under your pressure your Governments have been obliged to accept the motto of no annexations and no indemnities, but recently they have been trying to carry on their old policy of evasions. Remember that the conclusion of an immediate democratic peace will depend actually and above all on you. All the peoples of Europe look to you, exhausted and bled by such a war as there never was before, that you will not permit the Austro-German imperialists to make war against revolutionary Russia, for the subjection of Poland, Lithuania, Courland and Armenia."
No one may accuse the Bolshevik: of insincerity, their defeat was due to the inaction and treason of others "The Bolshevik," declared the German press in surprise, "talk like conquerors." And well they might history will be their justification they will yet conquer! The Germans wanted peace on the basis of the war map, the Bolsheviki, peace in accord with the general principles of international democratic reconstruction,—which the Allies accepted "in words," but did not act to establish in deeds. They exposed the Germans, they appealed to Socialism and the proletariat, and there being no response the hopeless struggle was doomed to defeat. Trotzky refused to sign the infamous peace, his attitude being this "We announce the terminatron of the war and demobilization without signing any peace. We declare we cannot participate in the looting war of the Allies nor can we sign a looting peace. The fate of Poland, Lithuania and Courland we place upon the responsibility of the German working people." This expedient of a “"declared peace" for a time puzzled the Germans. It was an opportunity for the Socialists of Germany to act but the opportunity was not used. In answer to a question, "What will you do if we do not sign your peace?" General Hoffman replied “The German troops will advance and immediately take Reval." Now came the most infamous action of Germany, the march of her troops into a country which was defenseless and wanted peace, a crime acquiesced in by the German majority Socialists and the proletariat. This invasion aroused Russia, which mobilized its soldiers, workers and Red Guards against the invaders.
The supreme decision of war and peace was up to the All-Russian Soviet Congress, which convened in Moscow on March 12. More than half of the 1,765 delegates were against ratification of the peace treaty, and in favor of a "holy war," a revolutionary war against Germany, including many prominent members of the Bolsheviki, who in January had organized independently as the Communist Party. Lenin, however, was in favor of accepting the treaty, in spite of its onerous terms, on the ground that Russia needed a respite for the work of reconstruction, during which preparations could be
