—a defeat for the cause of the proletariat throughout the world, a defeat in the great struggle for the only just peace that can end the war—a general peace of understanding by the workers, a democratic peace made and enforced by the proletariat in all belligerent nations. Not one title of the blame for this defeat, however, lies with the revolutionary proletariat of Russia. The bulk of the blame for the temporary defeat of the peace policy of revolutionary Russia lies with the Socialism and the proletariat of Germany and Austria, and the rest lies with the Socialism and the proletariat of France, Great Britain, Italy and the United States,—for nowhere was there an adequate response to the appeal of revolutionary Russia to the proletariat of the world.
But the struggle is not at an end. The Revolution is supreme, the power of the Soviets intact. Should the Soviets retain supremacy, the struggle will break out anew between the Revolution and all Imperialism, between the Revolution and German Imperialism in particular. The international revolution of the proletariat is a process in which temporary defeat simply paves the way for ultimate victory. In ending the military war against German Imperialism, the Soviet Republic started a new war—a class war, a war of propaganda to bring the proletarian revolution in Germany and Austria.
Should the Soviets have co-operated with the Allies in an imperialistic war upon Germany? But this was a political and psychological impossibility. The Allies flirted all along, and still flirt, with the counter-revolutionary forces in Russia; they supported Kerensky, sympathized with Kornilov, and refused to recognize the Soviet Government. They refused to participate in general peace negotiations. When Germany was ruthlessly invading Russia, after Trotzky had refused to sign the peace treaty, did the Allies offer aid to the Soviets? No! Great Britain, France and Italy agreed that Japan should "intervene" in Russia to "restore order"—the identical pretext used by Germany to justify its infamous invasion. This attitude of the Allies morally strengthened Germany in its aggression. "Why," said the German imperialists to the workers, "even our enemies refuse to recognize the Soviet Government and the Bolsheviki, even they are considering the necessity of intervening in anarchic Russia. Our invasion is not an invasion, it is a necessary measure in the interest of civilization." The proletarian revolution must expect bitter opposition from international Imperialism; and the history of revolutionary Russia's struggle for peace clearly illustrates that the proletariat must rely upon itself alone, that all non-proletarian forces are arrayed against it. Only through uncompromising class struggle can the proletariat conquer. True enough, this class struggle temporarily weakened Russia as against Germany, but this was unavoidable in order to crush the imperialists and counter-revolutionary bourgeoisie; and it must always be borne in mind that the overwhelming bulk of the territory annexed by Germany was conquered during the regime of the Czar. Revolutionary Russia will yet, through the class struggle conquer imperialistic Germany; the international proletariat will yet, through the class struggle, conquer all Imperialism.
The material comprised in Part Six consists of a pamphlet by Trotzky on Peace (Chapters I to V), a speech by Trotzky in February, Lenin's "theses" on peace read to the March All-Russian Soviet Congress, and an article by Lenin appearing in Pravda in April.
L. C. F.
