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THE SPIRIT OF RUSSIA

more advanced and Russian manufacturing industry, that of Moscow above all attempted to defend itself against Polish competition by various repressive measures, dealing with communications, tariffs etc.[1]

In the fifties and sixties when the slavophils and the westernisers were formulating their respective views, the Polish question was vigorously discussed by both parties. The opinions of the slavophils (Samarin and Ivan Aksakov) have already been expounded. Among the westernisers reference may be made to Čičerin, who in 1859 advocated the old Polish policy of Alexander I, and declared that the Polish fatherland ought to be restored to the Poles. At a later date, long subsequent to the rising of 1863, Čičerin returned to the matter (this was in 1901 in an answer to Rennenkampf's writing of 1898, Letters Concerning the Jewish and Polish Question). It was Čičerin's hope that a satisfactory solution of the Polish problem would increase Russia's influence in the Slav world.

The rising of 1863 induced an unfavourable mood among Russian liberals, who dreaded the consequences of the antirevolutionary reaction upon Russia herself. Herzen had to suffer at this time for his sarmatiophil tendencies. Conservatives and reactionarics pointed to the Polish rising as justification for general reaction. At this time Katkov was the chief spokesman of Russian nationalism. But in 1863 all that Katkov demanded was the Russification of the eastern parts of Poland, those which had of old belonged to Russia. As far as the kingdom of Poland was concerned he asked only for joint administration of army and finance, considering that this area might well remain independent nationally and linguistically. In Katkov's view the difficulty of the Polish question was solely conditioned by the utopian demand of the ultras that Poland should be restored, with the frontier of 1772. He was men willing to allow Polish priests to engage in propaganda, provided this was undertaken from sincere conviction.

The official Russification of the Poles in educational and administratixe affairs was not effected immediately after the revolt, but took place step by step from 1865 onwards. The steps, it is true, followed in rapid succession, and by 1870 the

  1. Haxthausen informs us that he learned in Moscow in the year 1843 that a Moscow deputation made representations to the government against the complete incorporation of Poland, protesting against this measure upon industrial grounds.