no solid memorials behind them of a skill, a gallantry, and a self-sacrificing devotion unsurpassed in the history of man? I regard this war as a practical question, and to be disposed of accordingly. That morbid sympathy that lives only for Mexico — that Mexico which murders the drunken soldier, and lances the wounded on the field of battle — I cannot approve, nor can I respect that closet philosophy that calls on us to surrender everything because we are victorious. No, my sympathies are for my country, for the gallant dead, for those whose mighty deeds have given a bolder and a broader light to our glorious constellation, for the widows and for their orphans. . . . I would be just to Mexico, but just also to my own country."
The difficulty of reaching an agreement in Congress about the relation of slavery interests to the war was thought by the British representative to stand in the way of compelling the administration to stop hostilities (13Crampton, no. 71, Dec. 30, 1847), and no doubt had considerable effect. In the speakership contest 220 Representatives voted (Cong. Globe, 30, 1, p. 2). To hold that Congress had power to prescribe the objects of the war was virtually to declare Congress the supreme commander and treaty-making power. It was also to declare the nation impotent to wage the war, for, as the parties stood, it could not pass a bill over the President's veto.
36. 345Poinsett to Van Buren, June 4, 1847. 345Blair to Id., Dec. 9, 1847. Webster, Writings, x, 262 (re Ten Regiment bill: the war unnecessary and unconstitutional). 256Marcy to Wetmore, Jan. 28, 1848. Public Ledger, Dec. 15, 1847; Jan. 31; Feb. 2, 1848. Wash. Union, Mar. 24, 1848. Cong. Globe, 30, 1, pp. 57-8 (Goggin), 154-6 (Lincoln), 267-9 (resolutions), 415-7 (Smith), 495-6, 530-5 (Webster), etc. (Direct taxes) N. Y. Journ. Comm., Dec. 25, 1847. (Chairman) N. Y. Herald, Feb. 13, 1848 (financial article). Nat. Intellig., Jan. 17, 1848.
The British chargé at Washington, though that legation was strongly in sympathy with the Whigs, reported that the Whigs lost no opportunity to embarrass.and discredit the administration (13Crampton, no. 19, Feb. 9, 1848). Slidell's instructions never having been acted upon, were practically a dead letter, and it was important not to make them public, lest the Mexicans, knowing on what terms the United States had been willing to restore friendly intercourse, should use the information to embarrass future negotiations; but the House, admitting this point by promising to keep them secret — which everybody knew could not be done — demanded them, and resented Polk's wise refusal to transmit them. The National Intelligencer (Dec. 18, 1847) asserted that Slidell had been "ordered not to negotiate a settlement of the Boundary of Texas . . . unless in complication with the cession to the U. S. of California," which was positively false. Polk, Diary, Jan. 5, 6, 8, 10, 13, 17, 23; July 6, 1848. After peace was declared he sent them (Richardson, Messages, iv, 594-600).
The Mexican tariff gave rise to some of the best declamation of the war period. The National Intelligencer accused Polk of exercising "absolute monarchical power" in that matter (Apr. 3, 1847). The Albany Statesman (Apr. 9) said, "This is surely the most flagrant usurpation and the most matchless piece of impudence with which any ruler in modern times has ever ventured to insult an intelligent people." In March, 1848, the subject came up in Congress, and Webster (Writings, x, 262) declared the President had no right to lay the duties, and that the duties were paid by
