communities for the more certain defence of their freedom, and for the maintenance of that dominion only won by the triumph in arms of a people nourished upon national liberty over forces that were then less free. Phrases must be scrutinized as well as repeated. We cannot assume without reflection that there is more inherent virtue in the adjective of 'free' imports than in the adjective of 'free' love. To assert that the abstract idea of unrealized 'Free Trade' is identified with our concrete system of fettered exchange is the abuse of words. To protest that fiscal separatism between the Mother Country and her colleagues is indispensable to their political agreement is the last abuse of paradox.
XIV.
The real argument against preference is of another character. It does not deny that the Colonies would benefit, but asserts that they would enjoy the sole benefit, that our general trade connections would be impaired, and that the English working classes would be unduly burthened. Let us briefly examine these contentions, and attempt clear answers to them.
1. That the Colonies would be developed at our expense, the Mother Country enjoying no reciprocal advantage.
To make this assertion is to confess that one has not studied the Inquiry Blue-books. Let us repeat some of the figures.
| Foreign Tariffs. | Per Cent. |
Colonial Tariffs. | Per Cent. | |
| Russia | 131 | Canada | 17 | |
| United States | 73 | New Zealand | 9 | |
| France | 34 | Australia | 6 | |
| Argentina | 28 | South Africa | 6 | |
| Germany | 25 | India | 3 |
