These, then, are the dominant factors. Germany, it is true, is in New Guinea and Kiaou Chou, France in Siam and New Caledonia, the Dutch in Java; but their interests are not sufficiently large to enter seriously into the estimate of dominant control. The South American States have no naval significance.
It seems clear that if an understanding can be reached between Britain, the United States, and Japan, the predominance of interest which they represent and the predominance of power with which it can be supported will make conclusive any decisions at which they arrive in order to give security to the Pacific basin.
What is the relation of the Dominion to this great problem?
It is a striking coincidence in our national development that the very time when the whole balance of power in the East has changed and the destiny of the Pacific is in debate is also the time when Canada has reached a period of intense activity; when her territory and political system have been consolidated; when her population is increasing by leaps and bounds; when her prairies are being filled up; her manufactures growing; and when her public men are compelled by the expansive forces at work to take large views of the present and the future.
It must be remembered that for 3,500 miles of its southern boundary Canada marches upon the territory of the United States, the other American factor in the problem of the Pacific. The actual land area of the continent north of Mexico is divided nearly equally between the two countries. While the rapid growth of the United States, during the last half-century particularly, has made Canada's relative position appear comparatively unimportant, it seems likely that the next half-century may make the disparity less striking. Sir Wilfrid Laurier's picturesque saying that 'the nineteenth century was for the United States; the twentieth is for Canada,' is not exaggerated if we refer it to the rapid filling up of virgin territory and the speedy
