every plank in its platform, even although most of these may be mere counsels of perfection which are not likely to be within the field of practical politics for many years. But when a party has gained strength, and can express its ideas in definite and practical proposals, it is surely a sign of strength and involves no risk to leave a certain freedom of thought and action to its Parliamentary representatives. The Labour Party in Parliament has already realized this need for greater freedom, but the organizations outside continue to insist upon the 'solidarity pledge,' although they have lessened its stringency and agreed upon a working arrangement for the next General Election with those Liberals who are in general sympathy with their immediate aims. It is certain that as the party gains in power and responsibility it will be able to maintain an equally effective discipline by means which are less derogatory to the personal independence of its members. For the present, however, the 'caucus' and the 'machine' expose the party to suspicion and attack.
'Socialism.'
In judging of the value of the Press denunciation of the Labour Party, the circumstances of Australia must be taken into account. The traditional responsibilities which attach to the inherited wealth of an aristocracy are almost non-existent in a new country, where most men win their wealth from very small beginnings; so that the rich realize with difficulty that property has duties as well as rights, and are nervously apprehensive of attacks or criticism. To such persons the growth of the Labour Party has appeared a formidable portent, heralding the very destruction of our social system. Oblivious of the record of their own parties, they unite in a chorus of protest against what they call the 'class' policy of the Labour Party, and band themselves together with much parade and noise in order to oppose 'Socialism.' The newspapers, which, being commercial enterprises, must
