absolute political power is held to be paramount. The exponents of this view cling to the belief that even limited representation of the character recommended would place native voters at the mercy of intriguers, would give them an entirely erroneous conception of their political power, and lead up to a state of affairs which might culminate in rupture. It is further argued that the government of the natives entails heavy expenditure, provided largely from European taxation; that they enjoy full protection and immunity from tribal warfare without partaking of the cares or sharing proportionately the fiscal burdens which fall upon the white people. It is said, finally, that the native is separated from the white man by a gulf, not of colour or education, but of radical mental dissimilarity, and that to give him the franchise is logically as well as politically indefensible.
As a means of assuring true representation, it has been suggested by this school of thought that in each Colony Councils should be established, composed of influential and representative natives nominated by the Imperial Government, and presided over by an official of high position; that those Councils should be empowered to discuss all questions of moment to the native communities, and their conclusions or suggestions submitted to the Legislative Assemblies. This school is, on the whole, while resolutely opposed to a native franchise, in favour of native land tenure in reserved areas, believing, with Mr. Rhodes, that the possibility of acquiring land is the surest stimulus to outside labour. These views are worthy of all attention, since they are held by some of the most politic and broad-minded of South African Imperialists.
All parties and schools of thought recognise the importance of providing that the natives, who are admittedly improving, and are taxpayers and economic factors in the general polity, be heard in a fitting manner, so that their grievances may not lack expression, nor their interests suffer in consequence. It is abundantly
