spoke of Russia and Austria. We will, therefore, not at once contest the trustworthiness of the whole letter on account of senility à la Szögyeny. As to the question of neutrality, it is obvious that all that was said was, we shall endeavour to remain neutral so long as we can. Henry himself doubts whether this will be possible permanently. William, however, saw in this a promise binding in all circumstances.
Even before the ultimatum to Serbia he had thus interpreted English neutrality, which he not only expected but to a certain degree demanded as his just right, to mean that England must restrain from any pressure on Austria and allow the latter a free hand.
This is clear from his notes on a report by Lichnowsky on July 22nd. We reproduce this in full, with William's comments in brackets:
"Sir Edward Grey will, as I learn confidentially, to-morrow tell Count Mensdorff that the British Government will exert its influence to get the Austrian demands accepted by the Serbian Government, if they are modified, and made reconcilable with the independence of the Serbian kingdom. [It is not his duty to judge these demands, that is the affair of His Majesty Franz Josef. W.] He also thinks that Sasonow will use his influence in Belgrade in the same direction. But it is, he thinks, a necessary premise to this attitude that no unproven accusations a la Friedjung be preferred from Vienna, and that the Austro-Hungarian Government should be in a position to establish absolutely the connexion between the murder at Serajevo and political circles in Belgrade. [That is their own affair.—W.] Everything depends on
