of votes must be made up, or if not, that at least a comparative majority must be attained; but that is nothing more than a necessary consequence of the principle, that towns of small importance, or containing comparatively few electors, cannot have the same corporate weight in the public councils as those which are inhabited by more numerous constituencies. Besides the relative corporate weight of the borough, there will be the uniformity of the individual weight of every vote, which becomes the same, whether the elector reside in Campbeltown or Camberwell.
Many objections will, no doubt, be raised to a scheme which insures success to every candidate who receives a certain quota of votes. There are parties, and leaders of parties, who have other plans and other objects. They appear to consider it their interest, or the interest of their class, that the electors should, in some constituencies, be counted by thousands, and in others by hundreds, or tens,—here huddled together in mobs,—there made up of a narrow clique,—here in huge masses,—there in petty clusters,—masses which may be led by clamour, clusters which may be bought for money. A system which is merely rational and consistent, aud treats the franchise and its exercise as sacred things, is likely to find many opponents and little favour. The discourses which have been heard since the amendment of the Reform Act has been agitated, lead to the suspicion that in constructing any future measure there will be attempts on all sides to frame a system which shall pack the electors, so as to expose them especially to the operation of such forces as each party imagines that it has most at its command.
A highly-gifted member of the lower house has recently, as the firsts fruits offered—and no unfit tribute—for the lessing of restored health, again devoted his political efforts to that cause which he has always advocated,—the cause of peace. There is no greater or nobler mission. In such a theme the language of indignation at the follies and the crimes of men
