sible for what he does, what he attempts, or what he omits to do, something will be done, at least, to make him deliberate before he acts; and when a man begins seriously to reflect on what he is to do, much is already gained.
The same machinery which permits the minorities in every constituency to exercise their franchise, by uniting their votes with those of others wherever they find sympathy, will also accomplish other objects, of no less importance. It will permit all the smaller boroughs and constituencies, or any portion of them, to form similar unions, and will put an end to all questions of disfranchisement; and it will, moreover, afford to every class, and every interest, in the country, the means of being adequately represented in the Legislature.
The subject of the representation of counties, cities, and boroughs, will be considered in subsequent chapters.[1] On the representation of distinct classes and interests, something may be said in this place.
All those who deem it of paramount importance that the great interests of the country should be adequately represented,—whatever their different views may be as to those interests being homogeneous or antagonistic,—should seriously address themselves to the consideration whether there is any geographical distribution of seats which can hereafter, with anything approaching to accuracy, or with a probability of duration, procure for any distinct interest an effectual representation; a representation which, if it be obtained at all, will not be overwhelmed by a majority of representatives from other adverse—or, at least, unsympathetic—constituencies. In examining this question, they should consider, not only the present parliamentary system, but what it is likely to become in the progress of events, which, even if amongst us it went no farther than the operation of existing causes, will increase the electoral body under the present law, by adding to the lower and less instructed voters, in a far greater propor-
- ↑ Ch. III., IV., and X.
