on the cricket ground. It was one of the most important gatherings of the kind ever held in the history of the Colony. Mr. H. B. Gibb was in the chair, and he was supported by practically all the leading merchants of the Colony excepting the senior unofficial member of the Legislative Council (the Hon. Philip Ryrie), who for particular reasons held aloof. With practical unanimity resolutions were passed affirming that life and property had been jeopardised by the policy of undue leniency that had been adopted, and asking that a commission from outside the Colony should be appointed to investigate the application of criminal laws, the carrying out of sentences of the courts, and the relation between the Governor and his officials. This European protest evoked a counter demonstration from the Chinese inhabitants, who organised an address to the Queen expressive of confidence in the Governor. The resolutions and the address were duly forwarded, and, after taking nearly twelve months to reply, the Colonial Secretary (Sir Michael Hicks-Beach) in a despatch admitted the reasonableness of the alarm felt in the Colony, but declined sending out a commission, on the ground that the action of the Governor had removed all cause for fear. The reference was to the introduction of a more stringent system of dealing with criminals by the Governor. The system of deportation was resumed and old offenders, instead of being tried before magistrates, were sent to the Supreme Court, where they received punishment commensurate with their crimes. On the main points—the question of flogging and branding—Sir J. Pope-Hennessy carried the day, for in November, 1880, Lord Kimberley (who had become Colonial Secretary) sent out a despatch directing the permanent discontinuance of branding and prohibiting flogging, excepting in cases of the class in which it would be inflicted in the United Kingdom.
As the years of Sir J. Pope-Hennessy's administration went on the tide of his unpopularity increased in volume. The breach between him and the European community ultimately became irreparable, and the strange prospect was seen in Hongkong of the Queen's representative living an existence of isolation from the great bulk of his fellows. The effect of such a state of affairs upon the Colony's interest could not fail to be extremely bad, and only the natural strength of its position enabled it to come through the period of stress and trouble without marked injury. A great sigh of relief went up when it was announced in March, 1882, that the Governor was shortly proceeding to Europe on six months' leave. The statement was interpreted to mean that Sir J. Pope-Hennessy was leaving finally, and there was no disposition shown to resent the valedictory compliments subsequently paid to him by the Chinese and Portuguese communities. The general feeling was one of gladness that the period of turmoil and bitterness was at length at an end. Afterwards there was a disturbing rumour that Sir J. Pope-Hennessy was returning to Hongkong, and in hot haste strong remonstrances were sent by the leading merchants to Downing Street. Then it was made known that the incubus of a discredited and unpopular Governor was not to be inflicted on Hongkong, Sir J. Pope-Hennessy having been appointed to the Governorship of Mauritius.
CHAPTER XV.
Development of Shanghai—The Establishment of the Chinese Maritime Customs Department—New Municipal Constitution—Operations of the "Ever Victorious" Army around the Settlement—Land Speculations.
The conclusion of the Treaty of Peking was the signal for a great development of mercantile activity throughout the Treaty ports. Perhaps its influence was most marked at Shanghai, which, from its proximity to the new fields of enterprise opened up in Northern China by the Treaty and its immediate predecessor—the Treaty of Tientsin—was best placed to reap the advantages of the new order of things. "The model settlement," as it was and is still called without excess of modesty, in its earliest years showed the disposition which all new trade centres have to hang fire somewhat. It developed, but its growth was, comparatively speaking, slow. There was nothing in the nature of a "boom"—to adopt a modern phrase. The disturbed condition of the country owing to the Taeping Rebellion no doubt militated against its complete success. But it was not alone that factor which kept Shanghai from marching to its inevitable destiny of a great port and commercial entrepôt. The restricted character of the openings for trade and the repressive and obstructive policy pursued by the Chinese Government had an even wider influence on the settlement's fortunes. All this, however, was changed by the two treaties. Under the Treaty of Tientsin that great waterway, the Yangtse-Kiang, was opened up to British trade, and a regularised status was accorded to merchants at the important riverain towns of Chinkiang and Hankow. The same instrument allowed British merchants access to Newchwang, Tangchow, Taiwan (Formosa), Chanchow (Swatoa), and Kiungchow (Hainan); while the Peking Convention had given further significance to these widened facilities by adding Tientsin to the list of Treaty ports. Thus, for the first time in history, a real opening was afforded to the vast markets of Central and Northern China. No port was better placed to take advantage of the situation than Shanghai. On the one side the broad bosom of the Yangtse was open to it; on the other was easy access to the capital and the great districts of the north; while in the country behind were some of the greatest trade markets of the Celestial Empire. It seemed to many that at last Shanghai's day had really come.
Before an account is given of the stirring times which followed the conclusion of the Treaty of Peking it may be desirable to take a brief glance at Shanghai as it was in the years preceding that event. Even at that early period, says an old resident in a description of its early life, the settlement was a striking-looking city. "The magnificent hongs which thronged the riverside with their compounds, their flags flying (for nearly every hong represented some consular dignity) and the fine broad terrace fronting the river, and commonly called the 'Bund,' had a grand and imposing appearance, which was truly astonishing in a place of such recent growth. The bund was the most wonderful scene of business and bustle. Chinese coolies or labourers were everywhere hurrying to and fro with burdens slung to bamboos carried upon the shoulders of these indefatigable beings who uttered a sort of monotonous 'Hee Haw' song as they moved along. In the centre of the bund was situated a striking looking Chinese building, the Custom House, in those days managed by Chinese with the assistance of two European gentlemen… So little were these customs officials heeded that the captain of an American steamer who was about to export a cargo of rice, which is strictly forbidden both by Chinese law and treaty stipulations, is actually stated to have pitched one of them overboard for attempting to interfere with him."
The Custom House organisation referred to by the writer came into existence as a direct result of the complications arising out of the Taeping Rebellion. A brief reference made to the matter in an earlier chapter may be supplemented by a more detailed statement of the origin of this important institution. In March, 1853, when Nanking and Chinkiang had fallen into the hands of the rebels, and there was a report that the rebel fleet proposed to attack Woosung, there was a complete cessation of business in Shanghai. The Chinese customs officials were all scattered or in hiding, and for a time there was no apparent machinery in existence for the collection of customs. "One morning," says the author of an interesting sketch of Shanghai history, published on the occasion of its jubilee celebrations in 1873, "it was found that a Weiyman had established himself during the night in a mat-shed, amongst the ruins of the Customs House, and hung out a flag and chop sealed by the Taotai authorising him to receive customs dues, but the foreign consuls concluded that this gentleman's position was not exactly legal, and Mr. Alcock, the British Consul, therefore, consulted with the captain of the Spartan, the result being that a squad of English men-of-war's men hustled the poor Mandarin and his assistants ignominiously out of his improvised custom house. The Weiyman then attempted to get over the difficulty by saying that he would receive the duties on board a junk which was moored in the river opposite the French concession, and Mr. E. Cunningham, who was acting as American Vice-Consul, fell in with the suggestion and ordered his nationals to pay their dues on board this floating collectorate, but the Americans promptly
