ing too strongly the impress of, a special set of circumstances.
Then they were crotchety; in some cases reflected the views of a single individual, forced by strength of character and power of pertinacity upon an unwilling college.
They thus bore all the marks of uncertainty and haste, the worst defects of regulations having a legislative character and force.
Praiseworthy experiments many of them were, but they have lost the praise they deserved from the stigma attaching to their blemishes; and they have done, I hope, not irreparable mischief. No plan for self-reform of colleges has a chance of being listened to which does not provide effective checks against the repetition of similar blunders.
The remedy I propose, is to transfer to a permanent body, whose proceedings shall be public, the functions, so far at all events as alteration of the statutes is concerned, now shared indefinitely between the Visitors of colleges and the Privy Council.
Statesmen will be able to suggest the best form in which this may be done, but I have understood that there would be no constitutional difficulty in the way of a permanent Committee of the Privy Council. As Chairman of the Committee, I would have placed a great lawyer, Lord Selborne, or Sir Alexander Cockburn, for instance, to be appointed for life. The Chancellors of the two Universities would also form permanent members, and these distinguished persons might be assisted by two persons specially appointed for their acquaintance with University Finance.
