Page:Vedic Grammar.djvu/167

V. COMPOUNDS. COPULATIVES. 157 in párjanya-vātā (v₁.496), voc. of parjányā-vátā (vI. 50¹²), and always in indra- vayū¹ 'O Indra and Vayu'. The ending - appears in the first member in agni-şómau 'Agni and Soma'; and - in krátu-dákṣau (VS.) ². 261. These coordinate duals having early come to be regarded as a unit, the commonest ending of the first member, that of the nom. acc., came to be retained unaltered in other cases and in derivatives 3. Thus arose the forms mitrá-várunābhyām; mitrá-várunayos beside mitráyor-várunayos, indra- várunayos; in the AV. dyáva-prthivibhyam and dyáva-prthivyós (instead of the divás-prthivyós of the RV.). 262. In a minority of instances, but comparatively oftener in the later Samhitãs than in the RV., the first member loses its accent and only the last syllable of the final member (irrespectively of its original accent) has the acute; thus indra-pusnis (beside indrā-pūṣáṇā); somā-pūṣábhyām;, bhavā- rudráu (AV.) 'Bhava and Rudra', bhava-śarváu (AV.) ‘Bhava and Sarva'5; vātā-parjanya 'Vata and Parjanya' (parjánya-); surya-candramásā 'sun and moon' (candrá-mas-). a. In the later Samhitas there are a few examples in which the nom. sing. of stems in -t has, doubtless owing to identity in form of the final vowel with the Vedic dual ending -ā, become fixed in the first member: pitā-putráu (AV.) 'father and son'; neştă- potŕbhyām (TS. 1. 8. 18¹) 'to the Nestr and the Potr' 6. They doubtless started from syn- tactically coordinated nominatives (like divás-prthivyos beside divás prthivyás, VI. 47²7)7. 263. Dvandvas with a single accent having established themselves, the stem form began to encroach in the first member. The only two examples from RV. I.-IX, are indra-vāyú (the transition being facilitated by the more frequent occurrence of the vocative indra-vãyū) and satyänṛtė8 (VII. 49³) 'truth and untruth'. Two additional neuters occurs in book x: sāšanānaśanē 'what eats (sa-asana-) and does not eat' (an-aśana-); and ṛk-sāmábhyām 'with hymns and chant'. In the later Samhitãs this becomes the prevailing type regularly followed in new formations; prastotr-pratihartýbhyām (TS. 1.8.18¹) 'to the Prastoty and Pratihartr'; krátu-dákṣau (VS.); dakṣa-kratú (TS.), sudräryáu (VS.) ‘a Šūdra and an Arya' ⁹. 264. The stem form having established itself in the first member, the compounding of Dvandvas became freer, and not only neuters but feminines began to be admitted, as dīkṣā-tapás-os (VS.) ‘consecration and austerity'. Here, too, the final syllable of the compound has the acute; the svarita of the original word is, however, retained in brahma-rajanyàu (VS. XXVI. 2; AV. XI. 32³) 'a Brahman and a warrior'. 265. Dvandvas with plural ending are on the whole later than those with dual ending. They would first have been used to express the plural sense of the pair in question, thus sál ahur dyava-prthivih (VIII. 916) 'they speak of six heaven-and-earths'; aho-rätráni 'pairs of day-and-night'. = ¹ This Dvandva always has a even in the | are examples which may contain the stem nom. indra-vayú. form in the first member (263). 5 WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 153, also quotes soma-rudráyos (TS.), usniha-kakúbhau (MS.). 2 The dual notion is sometimes empha- sized by the addition of ubháu both', as ubhá mitrá-váruṇā; sūryā-candramasáv ubhá (AV.). 6 On tvaşti-varūtrī see WACKERNAGEL 2¹, 64 (p. 154). 7 The three divisions of Dvandvas treated above include masculines and feminines only. Neuters of similar type first appear in the Sutras, as idhmā-barhiṣī fuel and litter'. 8 This is the earliest example of a neuter Dvandva. 9 WACKERNAGEL 2¹, p. 155, gives some further examples from B. portions of the 3 Like jeder-manns for jedes-manns in German. BARTHOLOMAE, IF. 20, 168(Anzeiger) regards these Dvandvas as abbreviations by dropping the common ending in the first member. 4 This accentuation is probably due to the influence of collective compounds which are nearly allied to Dvandvas. Indragni, indragnibhyām, indragnyós and agnindrabhyam later Samhitas.