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the scheme. Even for the purposes of representation on the Federal Legislature, Rulers, and not the people, were to fill the seats allocated to the States. The Instruments of Accession were to guarantee the sovereignty and the rights of the Rulers and the Act excluded from its purview the "rights and obligations of the Crown in relation to the States". In fact, in spite of the provision in the Act authorising the Governor-General, to issue directives to the Rulers for the enforcement of the federal obligations of the States, it was thought that paramountcy would provide the ultimate sanction for the enforcement of the federal authority in the States. The scheme of 1935 thus lacked essential elements of a federal constitution. Lord Meston likened this scheme to the 'mixing of oil with water'. It was indeed no more than a mark-time plan which, had it been adopted, might or might not have paved the way for a full-fledged federal project.

54. The promulgation of the Act of 1935 was followed by protracted negotiations during the course of which the draft of the Instrument of Accession underwent several changes for the worse. However, till September 1939 when the suspension of negotiations was announced, the establishment of the contemplated Federation was not in sight. To the Princes much of the essence of Federation appeared to turn out to be the negation of all to which they had been accustomed. Their approach to the problem was governed by the view that their accession to Federation involved a process of levelling down so far as their internal sovereignty was concerned, as against the Provinces which were to be levelled up as autonomous units and that, therefore, the Provinces and States could not be treated alike. On the other hand, progressive public opinion in British India hardened against the apparent effort of the Princes to whittle down the content of their accession to a farce no less than against such reactionary features of the federal scheme as the installation of dyarchy at the Centre in the form of the reserved subjects in the hands of the Governor-General e.g. Defence and External Affairs. In the meantime, the Muslim League veered round to a position of determined hostility to all constitution plans which envisaged a common Centre for the whole of India. Finally the reactionary elements had their way and the federal scheme of 1935 proved still-born.


Cripps Plan

55. With the abandonment of the federal scheme, which was announced by Lord Linlithgow on 11th September, 1939, the policy underlying the scheme, that the transfer of responsibility at the Centre should be conditional on the participation of the Rulers of Indian States, underwent a