reformed church, both of which he has wonderfully preserved through infinite dangers: if we do not take heed to live like Christians, nor to govern ourselves with decency, in those respects in which we are free, we shall be a dishonour to both. Both are most justly to be valued; but they may be valued in the wrong place. It is no more a recommendation of civil, than it is of natural liberty,[1] that it must put us into a capacity of behaving ill. Let us then value our civil constitution, not because it leaves us the power of acting as mere humour and passion carries us, in those respects in which governments less free lay men under restraints, but for its equal laws, by which the great are disabled from oppressing those below them. Let us transfer, each of us, the equity of this our civil constitution to our own personal character; and be sure to be as much afraid of subjection to mere arbitrary will and pleasure in ourselves, as to the arbitrary will of others. For the tyranny of our own lawless passions is the nearest and most dangerous of all tyrannies.
Then as to the other part of our constitution, let us value it, not because it leaves us at liberty to have as little religion as we please, without being accountable to human judicatories; but because it affords us the means and assistance to worship God according to his word; because it exhibits to our view, and enforces upon our conscience, genuine Christianity, free from the superstitions with which it is defiled in other countries. These superstitions naturally tend to abate its force: our profession of it, in its purity, is a particular call upon us to yield ourselves up to its full influence; "to be pure in heart," Matt. v. 8; "to be holy in all manner of conversation," 1 Pet. i. 15. Much of the form of godliness is laid aside amongst us: this itself should admonish us to attend more to the "power thereof," 2 Tim. iii. 5. We have discarded many burdensome cere-
- ↑ Natural liberty, as opposed to necessity, or fate.
