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one; which is an historical masterpiece of imperishable worth. And he will make himself of service to the party who after we have obtained a new platform will write also a new manifesto—a manifesto of 1891—while the old one bears the date of 1848. What belongs in a manifesto does not belong in a platform.
And though a platform is to be clear, it cannot at the same time be a commentary. The agitators, the journalists and the learned of the party must give the commentary. The platform must be the principles; with the demands arising therefrom. However, it must comprise no explanations—it should say merely so much as is absolutely essential in the interest of clearness.
Proceeding from this point of view, we in the commission saw ourselves compelled from the beginning to put aside a great number of demands, because according to our opinion they belonged in a manifesto or in a commentary, but not in a platform.
It is impossible to make a party platform so plain that from the first all propositions and demands shall be clear to every one who has not yet been educated in party science. The comrades must learn and be taught. The schooling is certainly a matter of propaganda, of agitation, of explaining, of educational ins'i Tit ions and of party literature.
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I have one more general observation to make before taking up the different parts of the platform. It is understood, from the manner in which the will of the party was brought to bear at Halle, that the so-called "Lassallian demands" are done away with. And further, in accordance with the views expressed, the "iron law of wages" has been set aside. It is true, the effort is yet being made on one side to retain the expression,
