THE THREAT TO THE LABOR MOVEMENT
ment workers bound to any arbitration scheme—the union has retained its freedom of action.
For a trade union this is of fundamental importance.
We see that The Times' estimate of the two events is sadly lacking in veracity. The garment workers, even tho led by the left wing to "an admittedly disastrous defeat," as The Times puts it, did considerably better than the trainmen and conductors in spite of the privileges granted these key workers by an anxious imperialist system.
But The Times is, like the official trade union leadership, concerned with "peace in industry" and "partnership in industry." Cassius-like, it pretends friendship only to stab. As we have seen, The Times professes to be worried greatly by the dissension in the union, but its greatest grief is reserved for the passing of the submission of the, New York Joint Board to the governor's commission. It says:
The principle of arbitration, and beyond that, of CO-OPERATION FOR THE PROMOTION OF PEACE AND THE WELFARE OF THE INDUSTRY, SEEMED TO BE WELL ESTABLISHED. . . . . A noteworthy advance had been made TOWARD THAT PARTNERSHIP IN INDUSTRY WHICH UNDERLIES THE SANEST THOUGHT among both employers and workers. (Emphasis mine.)
We can be certain that The Times will agree that the "sanest thought" in this direction among employers is voiced equally well by President Green.
The Times is for "partnership in industry."
So is the American Federationist.
Both publications, one typically capitalist, the other typical of the official trade union press, denounce the left wing because it warns the workers of the danger of the policy expressed in this phrase and organizes them for a policy of struggle.
Official labor leadership and the organs of labor's class enemies here show conclusively that they at least have established an "identity of interest."
This same collusion of re-action appears in other fields.
Unity of Bosses, Government and Trade Union Officials.
CO-OPERATION of the official trade union, capitalist and socialist press in the drive against militant unionism has been shown.
Go-operation of the right wing trade union leadership with government agencies such as the industrial commission of Governor Smith has been shown by the attempt of President Sigman and Morris Hillquit, leader of the socialist party, to settle with the governor's commission over the heads of the duly elected leadership of the New York joint board in the cloakmakers' strike.
The clubbing of strikers by police and right wing gangsters during the demonstration of strikers before the Sigman headquarters and the Forward building is another instance.
The condemnation of the left wing strike leadership contained in the report of the arbitration board of three which passed on the controversy with
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