THE THREAT TO THE LABOR MOVEMENT
All of the movements mentioned are non-partisan movements in which workers and liberal middle-class elements take part. The Communists may be and generally are the most active section, but that they control them mechanically or can work in them for any other purpose than stimulating them, achieving immediate gains for the whole working class and thereby profiting as a revolutionary party from the generally improved militancy of the masses, is an idea that could originate only in a diseased brain.
It is true, however, just because of the active part taken by Communist workers, that most of these movements will die if the Communists are driven out or will become moribund and powerless, so empty of working-class vigor that the capitalists will have nothing to fear from them.
Difference on Policy in S. P.
NORMAN THOMAS, who wants to fill the shoes of Eugene Debs, and is more to the left than the other leaders in practice if not in words, seems to have had some misgivings as to the wisdom of the red-baiting crusade launched by the socialist bureaucracy that has shoved him quietly into the background, to be fumigated since his contact with Communists in the Passaic strike—against the wishes of the high priests of socialism.
Thomas likewise is not enthusiastic over the reactionary allies with which his leaders have made a pact for war on the will to struggle in the trade unions. In the December 25 issue of the New Leader Thomas, after doing obeisance at the shrines of Sigman and Hillquit and repeating the invocation against the Communist devil, utters the following warning:
Nevertheless, no labor unions generally nor socialist labor unionists particularly can afford to fight Communism by witch-hunting, by MAKING LOVE TO REACTION, or by a merely negative policy. In the long run THE BEST WAY TO FIGHT COMMUNISM WILL BE BY SETTING UP STANDARDS OF HONOR, EFFICIENCY AND IDEALISM WHICH WILL GIVE COMMUISTS NO JUST GROUNDS FOR CRITICISM. Above all, it will be necessary for the unions in their sphere and the socialist party in its sphere TO DO BETTER SOME OF THE JOBS—like organizing the unorganized, and defending political prisoners and fighting against imperialism—WHICH THE COMMUNISTS HAVE AT LEAST HAD THE ENERGY TO TRY TO DO. (Emphasis mine.)
We can say to Norman Thomas that we have not the slightest objection to being fought in the way he suggests, but principally because he believes that the present leadership of the trade union movement and the socialist party will some day fight Communism this way is the reason he aids reaction by giving it at times—the present, for instance—a semi-respectable covering which prevents the imperialist lackey uniform being seen by unskilled working-class observers.
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